Institut Franfais de Pondichery Ecole f ran false d’Extreme-Orient •* * ■ i ; TTT^IcFW The Parakhyatantra A Scripture of the Saiva Siddhanta A critical edition and annotated translation by Dominic Goodall Collection Indologie - 98 THE PARAKHYATANTRA A SCRIPTURE OF THE SAIVA SIDDHANTA / COLLECTION INDOLOGIE - 98 TTTWrF^T 'N THE PARAKHYATANTRA A SCRIPTURE OF THE SAIVA SIDDHANTA A CRITICAL EDITION AND ANNOTATED TRANSLATION by Dominic Goodall INSTITUT FRANQAIS DE PONDICHERY ECOLE FRANQAISE D ’EXTREME-ORIENT Comite de lecture Colette Caillat, Membre de l’lnstitut de France Frangois Gros, Directeur d’etudes a l’Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris Michael Hahn, Professeur a l’Universite de Marburg Alexis Sanderson, Spalding Professor of Eastern Religions and Ethics, All Souls College, Oxford Raffaele Torella, Professeur a l’Universite de Rome © Institut Frangais de Pondichery, 2004 (ISSN 0073-8352) © Ecole frangaise d’Extreme-Orient (ISBN 2 85539-642-5) Typeset by the author in ‘Computer Modern’ and Velthuis’ Devanagarl using T^gX, and EDMAC (macros for the preparation of critical editions created by John Lavagnino and Dominik Wujastyk). Photo: Pancamukhesvara, Kalahasti (Andhra Pradesh). Cover design: N. Ravichandran (IFP). Printed at the All India Press, Pondicherry. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My curiosity about the Parakhya was first raised by a quotation of a single half-line from its sixth chapter (6:14ab) by Aghorasiva in his Nada- karikavrtti, introducing which Aghorasiva suggested that Ramakantha’s doctrine of a subtle nada (through which all speech is intelligible) was incompatible with Saiddhantika scripture. I was aware that a text with the name Parakhya was transmitted in the Mysore codex which I had found to transmit the text of the Kirana closest to that presupposed by Ramakantha’s Kiranavrtti , but I had supposed it to be likely to be a late South Indian composition bearing the early name, as so many of the Siddhantatantras preserved in manuscripts in the IFP in Pondicherry are, and had not investigated it. Realising that the Parakhya appeared not to be transmitted elsewhere, I first returned to Mysore to do so in July 1996 at the encouragement of Professor SANDERSON and quickly discovered with delight that it was largely doctrinal and demonstrably early because it contained the large number of verses attributed to it by Ksemaraja in the tenth chapter of his Svacchandatantroddyota. My enthusiasm subsided when I first made efforts to read the text after having transcribed it. Not feeling confident of being able satisfac- torily to interpret enough of it to attempt an edition, I announced that I was preparing for publication an ‘annotated transcription of the surviving chapters’ (Goodall 1998:xli, fn. 94). My ambitions grew as I understood more of the text, and this book is the result. This understanding grew largely because I attempted to teach chapters 1, 2 and 4 of the text in Oxford and because I read parts of it with a number of people privately. Among them I should like first to thank Dr. Harunaga Isaacson for his constant encouragement, detailed and illuminating comments, and very many invaluable suggestions. Apart from the countless occasions on which he has discussed parts of the text with me, he has written me a veritable book of letters of commentary, touching on everything from punctuation and paragraphing to the constitution and interpretation of the text and of passages adduced in the annotation. That so many blemishes have been VI removed (many still remain, I am sure) is in large measure because of his patient efforts. 1 I thank Dr. Kei Kataoka for repeatedly questioning my interpretations of a number of the most awkward passages, for his many improving suggestions and for the extremely stimulating reading sessions of the Parakhya that we enjoyed, together with Dr. Harunaga Isaacson, in the summer of 1999. I am most grateful too to Dr. Diwakar Acharya, the only person with whom I read through and discussed the whole text at a single stretch (in January 2001), which was as illuminating as it was pleasurable, as well as to Dr. Peter Bisschop and Dr. Csaba Dezso, who both read large parts of the book and suggested a number of im- provements. I am grateful to Dr. Alex Watson for illuminating for me a mfrnber of passages in chapter 1, as well as to Dr. Charlotte Schmid, Dr. Pascale Haag-Bernede, Dr. Godabarisha Mishra, Dr. Judit Torzsok, Dr. Eva Wilden, and Mme Usha Colas-Chauhan, all of whom made suggestions (or constructively expressed disagreement) that helped me. I thank also Dr. Somdev Vasudeva, without whose invaluable thesis and without whose presence in Pondicherry in April 2001, my ‘understanding’ of the chapter on yoga would have been yet more painfully limited, and whose alphabetic sorting program saved me weeks of labour on the pada- index. The patient criticism of Dr. Gerard Colas enabled me to see flaws in the presentation of a number of arguments relating to the placing of the Parakhya in its literary context. I thank Dr. T. Ganesan of the IFP and Dr. S. A.S. Sarma of the EFEO for comments and suggestions and Isabelle Ratie for her corrections to the resume. At what seemed like the eleventh hour, Dr. Arlo Griffiths most kindly rushed me his numerous helpful comments on my introduction. Some of his punctilious and per- suasively defended typographical suggestions could not be incorporated, but he may be assured that they will influence my practice hereafter. I should have loved to have had the precious comments of Dr. Brunner, had not ill health prevented her from being able to read this book when it was at last ready to be read. Finally I should like to thank Professor Sanderson, who first taught and encouraged me in the study of Saivism, who has been invariably generous with his time and with his knowledge, who has put unpublished work of his at my disposal and who has given me many useful suggestions ‘Where emendations and ideas are attributed to him without reference to a letter, this should be because they were not advanced in a letter, but there may be one or two written communications that I have mislaid. Acknowledgements Vll for improving the text of this tantra. Many of these peoples’ names figure in the apparatus and notes for their conjectures and suggestions. But they also often helped me by re- moving poor conjectures and showing me how the transmitted text could be interpreted, and so their assistance is in many places invisible. I am grateful to the various institutions who have allowed me to con- sult the manuscripts used for this book: the Oriental Research Institute of the University of Mysore; the French Institute of Pondicherry; the Gov- ernment Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras; the National Archives of Kathmandu; the Bodleian Library, Oxford; the Akhila Bharatiya San- skrit Parishad, Lucknow; the Oriental Research Institute and Manuscripts Library, Trivandrum; the Oriental Institute, Baroda; the Hoshiarpur Vishveshvaranand Vedic Research Institute; the Cambridge University Library; the Shri Ranbir Sanskrit Research Institute, Jammu; and the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project. A final word of thanks is addressed to Wolfson College, Oxford, who welcomed me back as a Junior Research Fellow in Indology to continue my studies after my doctoral thesis, and to the Ecole frangaise d’Extreme- Orient, under whose aegis I have dedicated many months to finishing this book. Dominic Goodall, Ecole frangaise d’Extreme-Orient, Pondicherry, September 2004. CONTENTS Acknowledgements v Preface / Explanatory remarks about the Saiva Siddhanta and its treatment in modern secondary literature . . . xiii Introduction xxxv The Parakhyatantra and its place in the Saiddhantika canon xxxv Two early Parakhyatantras? xxxviii Relative chronology - ^ Excursus upon the Raurava and the Rau- ravasutrasangraha x ^ v Dates and the Saiva canon x ^ wl The sources and the date of the Parakhya xlviii Excursus upon the Pauskaras lii Parallels with other Siddhantatantras kv The lost commentary * v iii A resume of the text kcii Chapter 1. The soul kciii Chapter 2. The Lord kciv Chapter 3. Scripture and the pure universe lxvi Chapter 4. The evolutes of primal matter lxvii Chapter 5. The cosmos km Chapter 6. Mantras kcxii Chapter 14. Yoga lxxiv Chapter 15. Liberation and the means to its attainment lxxvi The language of the Parakhyatantra lxxviii Some remarks on the treatment of metre lxxxv X Parakhyatantra Does the Parakhya tell us anything new? lxxxvii The nature of this edition lxxxix Sources for the constitution of the text xcv The Mysore Manuscript xcv Antecedents xcviii Deviant orthography c Transcription ci Condition ci Apographs cii Transcription conventions civ Other editorial conventions cv Independent testimonia cvi Sanskrit Text 1 Chapter One, pasupadarthavicara 1 Chapter Two, patipadarthavicara 17 Chapter Three, vidyapadarthavicara 37 Chapter Four, yonipadarthavicara 1 (karyasrstih) 47 Chapter Five, yonipadarthavicara 2 ( bhuvanani ) 71 Chapter Six, mantravicara 95 Chapter Fourteen, yoga 109 Chapter Fifteen, muktipadartha 123 Translation 135 Chapter One 137 Chapter Two 165 Chapter Three 205 Chapter Four 227 Chapter Five 279 Chapter Six 321 Chapter Fourteen 347 Chapter Fifteen 387 Appendix I. Quotations not found in the manuscript 411 Appendix II. Diplomatic Transcription 441 Appendix III. SataratnollekhinT ad sutra 18 515 Contents xi Appendix IV. Measurements 523 Works Consulted 529 Index of Padas 557 General Index 523 R6sum6 frangais 563 PREFACE Explanatory remarks about the Saiva Siddhanta and its treatment in modern secondary literature In my preface to the first volume of the Kiranavrtti (Goodall 1998), I alluded with approval to the stand taken by ISAACSON in the eighth of his ‘Stellingen’ submitted with his unpublished thesis (*1995). Most students of classical India must at some time be made to acknowledge that ‘[t]he quantity and quality of the secondary literature in many areas of Indian studies is such that bibli- ographical completeness has become something that is often rather to be avoided than striven for.’ When I came to recast this book to be submitted for a degree to a Ger- man university, I realised that such a cavalier dismissal of the secondary literature would be unacceptable. I do not however intend to spend long grazing in these for the most part rather barren pastures; in what fol- lows immediately below, I intend to do no more than show why a certain number of books purportedly about the Saiva Siddhanta are not amply referenced and discussed in the pages that follow. Many indologists, if they have heard of the Saiva Siddhanta at all, are likely to have been encouraged to suppose it to be a uniquely Tamil- ian, Vedanta-influenced theological school with its origins in the twelfth century — a school that acknowedged as scripture a body of Sanskrit texts called agamas that prescribed the mode of worship in South Indian Saiva temples, as well as a body of Tamil devotional hymns to Siva, but that was really based on a group of fourteen Tamil theological works, the Meykanta-cattirankal , almost all of which are supposed to have been writ- ten in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. This is, on the whole, the picture we find given in a number of widely disseminated general sur- veys of ‘Hinduism’, such as, for example, BROCKINGTON (1992:140-5) XIV Parakhyatantra and Klostermaier (1989:253). 2 This is in fact a very distorted image, and what is true in it applies only to a largely post-twelfth-century South Indian development of a much older pan-Indian religious school. 3 Even the more specialised survey material presents a rather confused picture of the context of this study, namely the early (i.e. twelfth- and pre- twelfth-century), pan-Indian Saiva Siddhanta. After finding little help in Gonda’s Visnuism and Sivaism: A Comparison (1996; reprint from 1970) and nothing but extremely brief and uninvestigative summaries of what was deemed philosophical in a small handful of randomly selected Saiddhantika works offered by Dasgupta 1955, 4 the bewildered indol- 2 It would be unfair to place Brockington’s rather careful compressed account of some essential facts next to Klostermaier’s treatment without at least remarking that the two works are quite different in quality. KLOSTERMAIER will set down almost any manner of thing as fact (particularly, it seems to me, if it is to the detriment of Saivism), and most pages of his sloppy book contain something to suggest that he is not interested in discovering truth. Thus he tells us (1989:247) that the teachings of the ‘even now flourishing Saiva Siddhanta’ are ‘largely identical’ with those of the Pasupatas; that ‘[b]etween 700 and 1000 C.E., Saivism appears to have been the dom- inant religion of India, due largely to the influence of the sixty- three Nayanmars ’; and that the ritual taught in the ‘Saiva Agamas’ (1989:251) ‘resembles that followed by the Vaisnavas, except for the fact that Saivas still observe animal — and occasionally human sacrifices’. A footnote accompanies the last surprising assertion, but instead of substantiating it, it only gives information about recent editions of Saiddhantika works published by the IFP. And to give just one more example of this sort of crass- ness (from hundreds more to be found in this willfully misled and misleading book), from Klostermaier’s table of dates we are informed (1989:421) that the ‘[beginning of the Saivasiddhanta' is to be dated to ca. 1250. 3 It is perhaps worth drawing attention to two books on ‘Hinduism’ for the ‘general reader’ that try to correct this distortion: Flood 1996:162-^4 and Goodall 1996. 4 In this fifth volume of A History of Indian Philosophy , misleadingly subtitled South- ern Schools of Saivism, Dasgupta has briefly summarised works that happened to lay to hand and that might be considered all to belong to the Saiva Siddhanta— the Siva- jhanabodha (1955:24-7), the Matahga (1955:28-9), the Pauskara (1955:29-37), the ‘ Vatulagama ’ and ‘ Vatulatantram ’ (1955:38-9), the Tamil Tiruvacakam of Manikka- vacakar (1955:149-59) and the Tattvaprakasa (1955:159-72)— but there is little in the way of synthesis or useful commentary, and a number of the summaries that are offered, including that of the only early Siddhantatantra (the Matahga), are the perfunctory and unenthusiastic products of a man not interested in the subject. As Dasgupta tells us (1955:39-40), A more comprehensive account of the Agamas could easily have been given, but that would have involved only tiresome repetition. Most of the Agamas deal with the same sort of subjects more or less in the same manner with some incidental variations as regards their emphasis on this Preface xv ogist reader in search of guidance not unnaturally turns to the Harras- sowitz series A History of Indian Literature , in which two books are found that cover material belonging to the early Saiva Siddhanta, the second of them without intending to do so: Jan Gonda’s Medieval Religious Literature in Sanskrit (1977) and Goudriaan’s and Gupta’s pioneering Hindu Tantric and Sakta Literature (1981). Any first attempt at taking stock of a large body of largely unpublished literature is likely soon to require revision in the light of new discoveries, and so it is no criticism to say that Goudriaan’s work could now be bettered in some areas. At the outset Goudriaan somewhat confounds the unwary by attempting to draw a false distinction between ‘Agamas’ on the one hand — which are typically South Indian, or at least preserved only in the South, and which he actually wishes to exclude from his survey — and Tantras on the other, which are typically North Indian and which he sees as his subject (1981:7-9). 5 It is true of course that the Siddhantatantras (which corre- spond to Goudriaan’s category ‘Agamas’) can to an extent be set apart from other Saiva tantras in that they form a coherent well-defined group and intend to teach a single coherent body of doctrines. But, as Goudri- aan also recognises (1981:9), they actually share a common background with other Tantric Saiva literature. This Goudriaan later illustrates by treating or mentioning a number of Siddhantatantras transmitted in the North: the Nisvasa (1981:33-6), 6 the Sarvajnanottara and the Kalottara (1981:21 and 38-9), the Diksottara (1981:48-9), and the Paramesvara (1981:21). But we cannot expect to find here introductory remarks about the early Saiva Siddhanta, for this was not Goudriaan’s subject and he did not recognise these works to belong to it. Gonda’s somewhat earlier account of the ‘Sivaite Agama Literature’, by contrast, recognises or that subject. [...] There are some slight disputations with rival systems of thought, as those of the Buddhists, Jains and the Samkhya. But ail this is very slight and may be practically ignored. There is no real contribution to any epistemological thought. We have only the same kind of stereotyped metaphysical dogma and the same kind of argument that leads to the admission of a creator from the creation as of the agent from the effects. 5 I have attempted to show (Goodall 1998:xxxvi-xxxix) that this distinction is unhelpful and is not used in the primary literature. G In this case Goudriaan registers doubt about whether this is an ‘Agama’ or a ‘Tantra’. XVI Parakhyatantra that ‘the names agama and tantra sometimes alternate’ (1977:202) and that some tantras/agamas are found transmitted in the South and the North (1977:165-6 and 202); but it presupposes nevertheless an unhelpful opposition between the Northern and Southern traditions, in particular between a Northern school of non-dualist exegesis and a Southern dualist one, and this leads to confusion. * * * * * 7 Gonda offers (1977:180-215) a num- ber of resumes of agamas, but they belong to rather different currents of thought, 8 and relations between them are not articulated. Recent, more specialised treatments in secondary literature of the Saiva Siddhanta tend to be disappointingly weak, by which I mean narrow in the range of sources consulted and poorly argued, 9 or to be confined to a very particular period and not intended to present historical develop- 'Thus, for instance, he speaks of the (Kashmirian) Matahgavrtti being an attempt to present the Matanga as ‘advaitic’ (1977:211), and he echoes (1977:212) Dasgupta’s mistaken assertion that in his Tattvaprakasavrtti the South Indian Aghorasiva has tried to read ‘some sort of dualism though that is hardly consistent’ into Bhoja’s (Northern) Tattvaprakasa. In point of fact, as is evident to anyone who reads them, the Matanga , the Matahgavrtti , the Tattvaprakasa and the Tattvaprakasavrtti are all dualist. 8 Only three of the summaries are of early Siddhantas: the Mrgendra (1977:184-5), the Kirana (1977:185-9, where Gonda is summarising the summary of Brunner 1965), and the Rauravasutrasahgraha (1977:189-90; Gonda refers to the text as ‘Chapter I’ of the ‘Raurava- Agama’). 9 To provide a complete list would be invidious, but the work of Dunuwila (1985) cannot here escape mention. A glance at almost every page reveals very serious inad- equacies; in fact it is so flawed that one would be well-advised to read it, if one con- sults it at all, not for the wealth of dubious information it purveys, but for the small amusement it affords the reader by concealing familiar Sanskrit expressions behind unintentionally ludicrous translations (thus ‘Monist Pastoralism’ is code for ‘Lakullsa Pasupata’, ‘Fierce Mouth Sect’ for ‘Kalamukha’, while vijhanakevalas (= vijhanakalas) masquerade as ‘Intelligence- Deconditioned Souls’). (The work is also politely censured by Gengnagel (1996:32), citing Davis.) Hardly more edifying is Guy L. Beck’s Sonic Theology: Hinduism and Sacred Sound (1995), pp. 148-171 of which are devoted to ‘Saivism: Sacred Sound as the Energy of Siva’. Here Beck recognises that Sadyojyotis through to Aghorasiva are the ‘chief for- mulators of $aiva Siddhanta theology in Sanskrit’ (p. 157), and yet he quotes instead such later authorities as Mariasusai DHAVAMONY 1971 (p. 160), who relied almost en- tirely on later Tamil sources, K. SlVARAMAN 1973 (pp. 160-1), who appears to have based much of what he wrote on the late Pauskarabhasya, and N. R. Bhatt (p. 153), about whom, after quoting a somewhat speculative passage from an interview tran- script, in which Bhatt characterises ‘the original Saiva Agama culture’, Beck states (ibid.): ‘Bhatt presumably drew upon his extraordinary knowledge of a large range of published and unpublished Agama texts for this characterization.’ Preface XVII ment 10 or, because of a current trend in Indian publishing, to be entirely unrevised presentations of very old research, often respectable in its own time, but now plainly long surpassed in many respects . 1 Two ‘new works of the latter category that have recently appeared are NANDIMATH 2001, a wide-ranging and informative thesis submitted, according to its pref- ace to the University of London in 1930 and now published, alas without revision, seventy-one years later ; 12 and Mary Law’s recent translation (2000) of Hilko Wiardo Schomerus’ Der Qaiva-Siddhanta. Eme Mystik Indiens Nach den tamulischen Quellen bearbeitet und dargestellt. Since so much about the Saiva Siddhanta has been discovered since 1912, ev- ery paragraph of the introductory chapter of this latter work, m which SCHOMERUS locates in place and time the tradition he examines, cries out for commentary ; 13 sadly this new translation offers not one editorial 10 Davis’ clear and useful book on Saiddhantika ritual is, as he himself makes clear (1991:19) intended as a synchronic account of Saiddhantika ritual at the high pom of Saiva ritualism’. Nevertheless, his first chapter (‘Locating the Tradition . lMl.d 21) presents helpful background information about the history of the Saiva Siddhanta^ Soni’s philosophical study (1989) focusses fairly exclusively on the sixteenth-centuj^ South Indian writer Sivagrayogin. Gengnagel’s study and translation of the Tattva- prakas'avrtti (1996) naturally focusses on the twelfth-century Aghorasiva. “Of course I do not mean to imply that all aged secondary literature has so dated that it has little to offer us. Moreover, many erudite annotated translations of she ars of the nineteenth century have not been bettered since: we must be pate ul I to .Indian publishers for offering us reprints of works related to the Tamil Saiva Siddhanta by th likes of Hoisington (1853—4; reprinted in Mudaliar 1979) and Pope (1900, reprinte 19 ‘*Thfa means, for instance, that almost every one of his utterances about the network of relationships between early Saiddhantikas that he has industriously teased out of inscriptions, manuscript catalogues and cross-references in Sanskrit works o : the : schoo that had then been published (2001:79-119) can now be corrected in the light of recent Sll ‘°Cons!der, for example, Schomerus’ somewhat naive dating of ‘the Agamas (2000:6, 8-9) to before the fifth century on the strength of their bemg disced m the S’utasamhita, which claims to be part of the Skandapurana, of which Bendall had found a manuscript in Nepal that he supposed to have been written in the . lxt Ce prom the work of Adriaensen, Barker and Isaacson (1994 and 1998) we know that early Nepalese witnesses transmit a text that is entirely different from what has hitherto been printed as ‘the Skandapurana’ and that the Sutasamlnta formed no pan of this Ur-Skandapurana. The Sutasamhita has rather the appearance of a South Indian non-dualist work with Vedantic and Saiva/Smarta sympathies. The date of its composition is uncertain; Hazra implies (1940:161), that it must have been written before 1300 AD because it has received a commentary by Madhavacarya. xviii Parakhyatantra remark (nor does it contain so much as a translator’s note). 14 Yet other recent publications whose authors and titles might lead one to expect to find in them some treatment of the history and development of the Saiva Siddhanta — N.R. Bhatt’s La religion de Siva d’apres les sources sanskrites (2000) and R. Nagaswamy’s Siva Bhakti (1989) — do not fulfil this expectation. N.R. Bhatt has contributed much to the study of the Saiva Siddhanta through his editions, but in this study, rich as it is in references to primary sources, the sources are predominantly non-tantric, and it is the mythology, iconography and public worship of Siva that he presents rather than Saiva theologies and their history. Na- gaswamy’s work touches on many aspects of South Indian Saivism, but it is primarily about the thought-world of the devotee and poet Appar. But there have in fact been considerable advances made in the study of the early Saiva Siddhanta over the past century, principally by schol- ars working in or with the French Institute of Pondicherry, such as N.R. Bhatt. 15 This institution has over the last fifty years amassed a manuscript collection that is particularly rich in Saiddhantika works and has, often in conjunction with the Pondicherry branch of the Ecole frangaise d’Extreme-Orient, edited a large number of previously unpub- lished Sanskrit works of the Saiva Siddhanta. And francophone scholars in some way associated with this institution, notable among whom are Dr. Helene Brunner-Lachaux and Professor Pierre-Sylvain Filliozat, have produced several richly annotated translations (sometimes with edi- tions). The important work of these scholars is no doubt gradually perco- lating down into other secondary and into tertiary literature; but it still seems necessary to preface this edition with a rehearsal of clarificatory remarks that rebut some fundamental and tenacious misconceptions in secondary literature about the Saiva Siddhanta. Long before the twelfth century the Saiva Siddhanta was the name of a theological school that has only in recent centuries come to be associated exclusively with the Tamil-speaking South. Its corpus of literature was 14 It is perhaps worth mentioning in passing a book from the following year, 1913, that is also regularly reprinted and has also inevitably dated: Bhandarkar’s Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems (1995 reprint). Bhandarkar’s brief treatment of the &aiva Siddhanta (1995:177-81) is based solely on a chapter of the doxograph- ical Sarvadarganasangraha and has been entirely superseded by Torella 1979 and Brunner 1981. 15 For a slightly fuller treatment of this bibliographical theme, see Good ALL 2000:205- 6, fn. 1. XIX Preface entirely in Sanskrit: a body of scriptural texts («^»/tantra/»m5nla) as well as a body of exe g etical literature, ritual manuals (paddhat,) etc. It is striking that this literature is today sively in manuscripts from the far South of India and in the for North , m Kashmir and Nepal. 16 But we know from the inscription^ record that the Saiva Siddhanta was once (in the second half of the first Christian millen- nium) spread across much of the rest of India, 1 and two of its scriptures, Of other Sale. col.,) furnished by the inscriptions “^“^“---centory fr °Among^Uve ' earliest^ InscripUomd references to the Saiva Siddhanta, an inscri P t10 ^ K • g t Thp half verse in question reads (HULTZSCH 1890:12, verse 5cd): saktiksunnar - vargo viditabahunayah saivasiddhantamarge sriman atyantaktoiagj ^ at ^» ma ° dhurdharah pal Javan am. Hultzsch’s natural mteipretat.cn of this is (1890 13 b the illustrious Atyantakama, the chief of the Pallavas who crushed the multitude of his foes by his power (or spear), whose great statesmanship rww 1 well k™wn tQ had got rid of all impurity (by walking) on the path of Saiva doct , f the Saiddhantika notion of a material impurity (mala) that is the fundamentalfeti that binds souls to worldly existence and that can only be removed by initiation is rs=r ££ — ““ nsr d^LTite W SUdtou (S'JdH.* <0 .noth.. JSnL. H ~ supped by I. descent of divinej power m ,».t»t.o» characterisation of InllbOto. 4 :io: for the « *«*—*■ f7.45 and ' Sanderson (2002:8-10, fn. 6) has referred to and diseased two further serenth- ~^ h “ .xisrc wm rxs XX Parakhyatantra the Nisvasa and the Sarvajnanottara , are mentioned in a Cambodian in- scription of the tenth-century. 18 Although I am not aware of inscriptions Vikramaditya I of BadamT in 660 ad (see the Amudalapadu Plates of Vikramaditya I, ed. Sircar (1962). Still further North, in today’s Madhyapradesh, evidence of a ninth-century royal initiation and of a lineage of Saiddhantika acaryas is provided by two tenth-century or early eleventh-century inscriptions edited by KlELHORN (1892; El I, pp. 251-70 and 351-61) and also discussed by Nandimath (2001:85-8) and SANDERSON (*1996:31- 2), among others. The initiation in question is that of a certain Avantivarman by Purandara, referred to in verse 49 of the Bilhari Chedi inscription (El I, p. 259; but see the text and interpretation as later corrected by KlELHORN in El I, p. 353) and from verses 10-13 of the Ranod (Aranipadra) inscription (El I, p.355). (The following two verses record the founding of mathas by Purandara at Mattamayura and Ranapadra.) Many inscriptions of this area from this period up to the thirteenth century mention later acaryas with Saiddhantika initiation names: see Banerji 1931, esp. pp. 110-15, developed further by Handiqui 1949:337-42 and Mirashi 1950, then Mirashi 1955,’ asp. pp. cl-clxi, and Pathak 1960:28ff. Further to the North-West, the Rajor inscription of Mathanadeva of 960 AD testifies to the presence of Saiddhantika initiates in Rajasthan (ed. KlELHORN 1897- El III pp. 263-7). In the far West, the Karhad Plates of the Rastrakuta king Krsna III record a gift to a Saiddhantika ascetic in 959 AD (ed. Bhandarkar 1897). And the Kharepatan Plates of Rattaraja (ed. KlELHORN 1897; El III, pp. 292-302) allude to the disciples of a Saiddhantika guru called Ambhojasambhu of the Karkaroni-santana of the Matta- mayura lineage in the Konkan in 1008 AD (verso of plate 3). My attention was first drawn to this inscription by Nandimath (2001:88-9), who immediately thereafter refers to the composition in 938 AD of a Naimittikakriyanusandhana by a certain Brahma- sambhu (the surviving Nepalese palm-leaf manuscript is in Calcutta and is described by Haraprasad Shastr! 1925:1015-16) who describes himself as belonging to a lineage of Karkaroni gurus. The suspicion is not voiced by Nandimath, but it seems not impossible that the Ambhojasambhu of the inscription should have been the same man: it was common practice to vary the elements of ipitiatory names with synonyms (see, e.g., Brunner 1998:xlvi), and I think it possible that ambhoja , although we expect it to mean lotus, may have been used as a name of Brahma, as are two other words that can be analysed to mean ‘water-born’, namely kanja (see, e.g., Parakhya 6:46) and, I think, kaja (see MalinTvijayavarttika 252c, in which Hanneder has, however, emended kajo gbora iti to kajy aghora iti: see 1998:211). Also conceivable, as suggested to me by Dr. Somdev Vasudeva, is that Ambhojasambhu is an error for Ambhojasambhu (cf. Pauskara, derived from Puskara, as a name for Brahma). An examination of the MS may reveal that the work is that of the Brahmasambhu frequently cited in the paddhati literature that postdates the Somasambhupaddhati and that has been assumed lost (see Brunner 1998:459). A number of these references I found with the help of Davis (1991:168, fn. 24) and Van Troy 1974. 18 Sanderson (2002:7-8, fn. 5) has drawn attention to the references to these two texts in an inscription from the reign of the Cambodian king Rajendravarman (944-08), Preface xxi attesting to the existence of the Saiva Siddhanta in Nepal, some sort of Saiddhantika presence there from at the latest the beginning of the ninth century can be inferred from the evidence of early Nepalese manuscripts of Saiddhantika texts . 19 Furthermore it is clear that its most prominent the- ologians lived in Kashmir in the tenth century , 20 at the same tune as the most prominent theologians of the group of tantric schools often rather misleadingly labelled ‘Kashmir Saivism’, and that these van ° us tantn0 groups (by which expression I intend to include the Saiva Siddhanta) exercised influence upon each other. The central fact that characterises these tantric cults is that they are private cults for individuals who take a non-Vedic initiation (dlksa) that uses non-Vedic (as well as Veda-denved) mantras and that is the means to liberation, a liberation which consists in being omnipotent and omniscient, in other words in realising the powers ° f We may now cloud this picture by presenting a few more details and thus also some complications that might seem to conflict with it. The evidence we have for reconstructing the character of this early pan-Indian theological school is its scriptural canon, together with its commentana literature (into which category we may include here manuals of ritual and independent treatises that rehearse and synthesise what is taught in t ie scriptures). Now the commentarial works are explicitly the works of his- torical human authors whom we can place and date, often quite precisely. where the context is the description of a certain mnth-century Stvaca^ 1925:354-6) who had received a consecratory initiation using the marafala taught by the Nisvasa and knew ‘all the samhitas, the Sarvajnanottara etc (verses 36 and 38_ Finot 1925:359). BHATTACHARYA too (1961:49 and 72) is aware of these references and of the existence of texts transmitted in India bearing these nanres, but stops short of identifying the surviving texts as being those to which reference is ina e. e a "• that references in Cambodian inscriptions to a Paramesvara are to a Saiddhantika work (1961:47-8), as indeed they may be (one of them belongs to the tenth century that published by CffiDES 1937:147-56, from the first regnal year of Jayavarman \ , 968 A >), but in this case BHATTACHARYA rather too confidently assumes them to be references to the Mataiiga (1961:48, fn. 3). Since the name appears unprefixed by a further qualifying name (e.g. Mataiiga-, Pauskara-, Hamsa-, Tilaka- etc.), it is more ley o refer 'if if indeed refers to a Siddhantatantra, to the Paramesvara partianypreserved in a ninth-century Nepalese manuscript in Cambridge (MS Add. 1049) and identified y Sanderson as the original Pauskara (see Goodall 1998:xliii an anders 5 ’ ‘^For details of a number of early Nepalese MSS, see GOODALL 1998:xl-xlvii. 2° For a discussion of the tenth-century lineage of Bhatta Ramakantha II, s Goodall 1998:ix-xviii. xxn Parakhyatantra The tantras, however, do not present themselves as the compositions of historical human authors, and they do not deliberately leave clues that would allow us to locate their place in human history. Among our earliest Saiddhantika sources we find a list of the titles of twenty-eight supposedly principal tantras, and works with these names survive today. Thus we have a large corpus of scriptures of uncertain date, but which we might as- sume all to belong in a group to a period earlier than all the commentarial literature. But when we examine these tantras and all those that claim to be scriptures of the Saiva Siddhanta, we find them to be a very disparate body indeed. First of all, among those that treat philosophical matters, we find them espousing radically different positions — both dualism, in which Siva and souls are fundamentally distinct both from each other and from the matter which generates the universe, and non-dualism. Similarly, al- though there is a shared terminology for the mantras, the syllables of the mantras themselves, even the most fundamental ones, are very various. And apart from these differences, some scriptures speak extensively or exclusively about the worship of Siva and a Saiva pantheon in the con- text of a South Indian public temple, whereas others make no mention whatsoever of temple worship, and are concerned instead primarily with prescribing practices for a community of initiates. Just on the strength of this information a dispassionate person might suspect that this scriptural canon was formed at different periods and in different places; but without further information it would be difficult to prove beyond doubt what was early and what was late and thereby to determine a relative chronology of the Saiddhantika canon. There are however three firm proofs that a given Siddhantatantra is early: — 1. the existence of early Nepalese manuscripts of the work. Because of the cool climate, MSS from Nepal survive many centuries longer than in almost any other part of South Asia. 2. the existence of early commentaries on the work. Commentaries by Sadyojyotis, a theologian probably of the seventh century, survive on two Siddhantatantras; but the bulk of the surviving exegetical Saiddhantika literature of importance appears to have been written in the tenth century in Kashmir. 3. substantial attributed quotations in the works of early commen- Preface xxm taries that can still be found in the surviving version of the tantra that bears the name to which the quotations are attributed. This criterion is arguably less strong than the other two, since the quan- tity of labelled quotations to make the idenfication compel ing is disputable. Using the above criteria 21 we arrive at a relativdy short list of tantra^ which we can assume to have been known to Saiddhantikas m the tent century . 22 Most of the twenty-eight listed Siddhantatantias that do meet these criteria are never mentioned by early Saiddhantikas; a ew are Ae quotations are not to be found in the surviving works so named . 23 I ict *>d Siddhimtatantras (acc. to Kirana 1UJ 1 Kamika Q p 2 Yogaja 3 Acintya/Cintya n 4 Karana F 5 Ajita P 6 SudTptaka/DTpta 7 Suksma 8 Sahasraka q 9 Suprabha P n 10 Amsumat a F 11 Vijaya* 12 Paramesa 13 Nisvasa 14 ProdgTta* 15 Mukhabimba 3 16 Siddha 17 Santana MS MS 2l I may add at this point that~these sorts of considerations have relevance in . other SESSSHSE ab ^his is discussed at greater length and with details of manuscripts by Goodall ( 1998:xxxix-xlvii). , ... inQ «Some details are given by Goodall 1998:xlv-xlvi, fn. 103. XXIV Parakhya tan tra 18 Simha* 19 Candra(b)hasa* q 20 Bhadra* 21 Svayambhuva [sutrasangraha] MS Ccc Q P 22 Virasa/VTra 23 Raurava[sutrasangraha] Cc Q Pp 24 Makuta q P 25 Kirana MS cCcCC Q P 26 Lalita* 27 Agneya* q 28 Par [akhya] / Saurabheya c Q In this table, which gives the list of twenty-eight ‘principal’ Saiddhantika scriptures — the ten Sivabhedas and the eighteen Rudrabhedas — in the version that we find in Kirana 10, the names in bold face are those of which demonstrably pre-twelfth century tantras bearing the names in question still survive. The nine asterisked titles have, to my knowledge, no surviving Saiddhantika works associated with them. 24 The entry ‘MS’ in the column to the right of the tantras means that an early Nepalese manuscript of the text survives. A capital ‘C’ means that a commentary survives; a lower-case ‘c’ indicates evidence of a lost commentary. 25 A capital ‘Q’ indicates the existence of attributed quotations in the works of early authors the text of which is to be found in the surviving tantra; a lower-case ‘q’ indicates the existence of attributed quotations that are not to be found in the tantra that now bears the name in question (or for which no Saiddhantika tantra now survives). 26 Finally, a small ‘p’ indicates that some tantra bearing the name in question has been published; a capitalised ‘P’ indicates that there is evidence that the published work is ancient. There are, of course, complications that the table does not reflect: ancient works corresponding to the titles Svayambhuva and the Raurava survive, namely the Svayambhuvasutrasahgraha and the Rauravasutra- sahgraha, but some South Indian manuscripts transmit other large bodies 24 We are not concerned here with non-Saiddhantika works that have adopted these Saiddhantika titles: thus no account is taken of, for instance, the VTrasaiva Candra- jnana (which corresponds to the Candrahasa) that has recently been republished by Vrajavallabha DvivedT. 25 For details of these see pp. lix ff below and Goodall 1998:civ-cix. 26 For references to these quotations, see Goodall 1998:xlv, fn. 103. B Preface xxv of text with these titles, either separately or variously mixed up with the ancient material . 27 ,,, - n . The following table presents surviving pre-twelfth-century Siddh tantras that do not figure in versions of the list of twenty-eight but present themselves as derived from one of them. Most present tnemselves as redactions of the Agneya/VathuJa ; 28 but if lost unlisted tantras of which pre-twelfth-century quotations survive were also to be tabulated (and no just surviving ones), then claimed affiliations to the Paramesvara would also be well represented. Surviving nre-twelfth-century ‘Upabhed ias’ Sardhatr isat i- Kalottara Dvisati-Kalottara Saptasatika-Kalottara Jnanapancasika Satika-Kalottara Brhatkalottara Mrgendra Matahga Sarvajnanottara Mohacudottara Mayasangraha <= Agneya 4= Agneya 4= Agneya <= Agneya 4= Agneya <= Agneya 4= Kamika 4= Paramesvara 4= Agneya 4= Agneya 4= ? MS MS MS MS MS MS MS MS MS MS c c cc cC cCc c C Q Q Q Q Q Q Q Q Q p P P p Now it goes without saying that the paucity of extant early works makes it difficult to build a convincing picture of the early Saiva Siddhan a, o decide which tantras belonged most closely together, which were margma and to judge how tight was the unity formed by the whole pre-tenth- centurv canon. Nevertheless we may attempt a characterisation of the surviving early texts, remaining aware, of course, that what we say is tentative . 30 27 See Goodall 1998:xlviii-li and, for the Rauravssutrasahgraha, PP 5 ^ which some account is taken of the views of Dagens and Barazer-Billoret (2000), who do not accept this characterisation of the material that forms t e aurava co p and who* may not subscribe to the characterisation here of the rest of the canon. 28 It is conceivable that one of the surviving recensions of the Katott tara us * e ‘original’ Agneya/VathuJa; but see Goodall 1998:xlv-xlv,, fn. 103, quoting Sander- son. 29 See Goodall 1998:xliii, fn. 98. 30 I am grateful to Dr. COLAS for urging me to caution on questions. this and other similar XXVI Parakhyatantra First of all we may observe that these demonstrably early tantras, with a single exception , 31 appear to be dualist. Furthermore all the early writers of the Saiva Siddhanta of whom works survive — that is to say Sadyojyotis, whom we have mentioned above, Srlkantha, Narayana- kantha, Ramakantha, all of whom belonged to tenth-century Kashmir, down to Aghorasiva and his disciples, a group of exegetes who upheld the doctrines of the tenth-century Kashmirians in twelfth-century South India, 32 — are without exception dualists. Early non-dualist works of the school could have gone missing, but it appears likely that the old Saiva Siddhanta was a broadly dualist school which only after the twelfth cen- tury felt the influence of non-dualist Vedanta. The early Siddhantatantras are not only not influenced by non-dualist Vedanta, they seem in fact to ignore it. It is only among the tantras that cannot be demonstrated to be early that we find works which either teach or appear to presuppose a Vedanta-influenced non-dualism, notably the Ajitagaina , 33 the Supra- 31 As Sanderson has pointed out (1992:291), the Sarvajnanottara is an unambigu- ously non-dualist work that survives in an early Nepalese manuscript. For further details about the transmission of this text see Goodall 1998:xlvi and lix-lxi. I should add to those remarks that although a small part of that same Sarvajnanottara has been published (the chapters comprising the so-called vidyapada have been published with a Tamil translation and commentary by Tuttukkuti Po. Muttaiya Pillai, Devakottai 1923) the doctrine of the early text should not be deduced from this published version, since this has been deliberately and very significantly modified, most distortively by the insertion in its first chapter of twenty verses discussing and refuting the old doctrine that in liberation the soul becomes equal to Siva (7-26). These verses are certainly a late interpolation since they are not found in the ancient Nepalese MS of the text (National Archives of Kathmandu MS 1-1692, NGMPP Reel No. A 43/12, f. 49 v ), nor are they discussed in Aghoraiiva’s twelfth-century commentary on the text, nor do they occur in the manuscripts of the text belonging to the collection of the IFP, or indeed in any manuscript that I have been able to consult. 32 For confirmation of Aghorasiva’s date, see Goodall 1998:xiii-xvii, fn. 24. For details of two disciples, see Goodall 2000:208-211. 33 Particularly 2:1-27, in which, as Sanderson has pointed out (1992:291, fn. 42), Siva is represented as the supreme soul whose form is being, consciousness, and bliss and as the identity of everything, including individual souls. (Many of the same verses occur also in a passage of the Vatulasuddhakhya: 9:77-89, quoted in the apparatus to the Ajita.) Preface XXVll 35 bhed agama , 34 the Yogaja and the Cintyasastra. And another clear pattern emerges: the Siddhantatantras that a demonstrably early are not concerned with the performance of public worship in temples. Again it is only the tantras that we find transmitted and known only in the Tamil-speaking South that discuss the performance of public temple worship. The tantras that are demonstra y ear y ait primarily concerned with teaching a system of worship for private mdivi - uals who have taken liberating initiation and with justifying this system of worship with a theology, the salient points of which have been sum- marised as follows : 36 (1) Siva, (2) souls, and (3) the rest of reality, mental and material, are essentially and eternally distinct from each other. According to this view Siva is only the efficient cause (nirriitt a- karanam) of the universe. Its material cause (upadana- karanam), that out of which it is fashioned, of which it con- sists, and into which it dissolves, is not Siva but maya. The latter is the single, eternal, and unconscious source of the 34 For the lateness of this work, see Brunner 1992a:271 and 1992b:32-3. For its non-dualism, see BRUNNER 1967:51ff. It is true that she at one point c ^ M ^ te " seS non-dualism (p. 54) as ‘un monisme analogue a celui du TYika , but note that we also find her remark (p. 53): La resonance vedantine de cette declaration, renforcee par les images du cristal color4 par le voisinage d’un objet, de la corde-serpent, du soleil refl6te dans des vases, est assez surprenante. Etonnante aussi la descrip- tion du jfvan-mukta, digne de la plume d’un disciple de Sankara. Maissi l’on pense h ces passages anterieurs oil il est dit que 1 atman vient de , on est bien oblige de reconnaitre une certaine coherence dans la fidehte de notre texte h un advaita. . . qu'il faudrait preciser. 33 Dr T GANESAN has pointed out signs of Vedantic influence in these two unpub- lished works in a lecture entitled ‘Approaching the Agama’ (2004 ). Among the features thathepointedto are the following. The Yogaja’s account of dlksa is prefaced by refer- ences uTtypes of Saivas (which, as Brunner remarks [1992b:32], appear to be referre to otherwise only in late South Indian works) the highest of which are the AdiSaiyas, of whom the text says (difoalaksana 19cd, IFF MS T.24 P 368): adisaiva iti smrtah. The Cintyasastra incorporates meditation upon °^of the Ved mahavakyas (tat tvam asi) into a description of the visualisation ofSada^iva ( 18 ^ 9f |' IFP MS T 13 p. 82) and, as further indication of its outspoken Veda-congruence, it 2*. a specific injunction to follow the Baudhayana (or Bodhayana) tradition for ^^Quoted (omitting the footnotes) from Sanderson 1992:282-5. XXV111 Parakliyatan tra worlds and everything in them, including the bodies and fac- ulties of each soul. To initiate a period of cosmic emanation (srstih) Siva relies on a viceregent, the Lord Ananta (Ananta- bhattaraka, Anantesa) to irradiate maya with his powers and so cause it to give birth to these forms. Siva causes Ananta to activate maya in this way in order that souls which have not yet been released may have the means of experiencing the fruits of their past actions and the possibility of working toward their eventual salvation. When Siva judges a soul to be ready for release he liberates it into a state of omniscience and omnipotence in which it is his equal (sivasamah, sivatulyah). Even in this state of enlightenment and liberation each soul remains distinct from every other and from Siva himself. There is no question of the soul’s surrendering its separate identity by dissolution {layah) into some form of transindividual consciousness. [•;•] Liberation cannot be achieved through mere knowledge of reality without recourse to ritual. This is because the state of bondage, in which the soul fails to realize its innate om- niscience and omnipotence, is not caused by mere ignorance. The ignorance that characterises the unliberated is the effect of an imperceptible Impurity (malam) that acts on the soul from outside; and this Impurity, though it is imperceptible, is a material substance ( dravyam ). Because it is a substance, only action (vyaparah) can remove it; and the only action ca- pable of removing it is that of the rituals of the initiation and their sequel taught by Siva in his Tantric scriptures. After reading this characterisation of the pre-twelfth-century Saiva Siddhanta, the reader might ask: why, if this is really a true portrait, it is not widely accepted in our time? Why do publications of today present the school as Tamil, philosophically non-dualist (or at any rate not strictly dualist) and vedanticizing, largely or entirely post- 12th-century, and partly based on a group of liturgical Sanskrit tantras teaching the mode of public worship in temples? I think that there are a number of factors that go some way to explaining how this distorted picture has been reached. Preface xxix 1. Firstly, there has been a relative neglect of Sanskritic sources in favour of Tamil ones among those claiming allegiance to the Saiva Siddhanta in Tamil Nadu today. If only the Tamil sources are con- sidered, then a most distorted picture of the history of the develop- ment of the cult is inevitable. (Ignoring the Tamil sources is, in mv view, less distortive, as I shall explain below.) The more so since the parlous state of modern scholarship about pre-modern Tami literature means that few dates are secure or even pinned down to reliable narrow margins, and, as far as I am aware no single critical edition has appeared of a pre-modern Tamil text.' The impossi e dating on slender evidence of one particular- Tamil author, namely Tirumular, the author of the Tirumantiram, to the fifth, sixth or seventh century, gives rise to a highly implausible relative chronol- ogy of the Saiva Siddhanta. I would characterise the Tirumantiram as a syncretic work of philosophical speculation that may have been dated six or seven centuries too early. It is plain that it contains a complex of concepts with Sanskrit labels the development of which one can trace in Sanskrit (not Tamil) literature that must certainly • !7 It is perhaps not out of place" to repeat here some earlier remarks on this subject (GOODALL 2000:214-15, fn. 38): Since this expression is today so variously understood among indologists, I must state what I understand by it. A critical edition is an editors reconstruction of a text as he supposes it to have been at a particular time in its transmission (...). Although it is a hypothesis, it is made on the basis of all evidence for the wording of the text that the editor can consult (idea ly all surviving evidence) and by an editor who has striven to understand as far as possible the ideas of the author(s) as well as the relationships between t e sources that make up that evidence, and it is equipped with an apparatus that reports all of that evidence that is relevant to the constitution of the text (in some cases this means all the evidence). Such editions, as yet all too rare, are invaluble tools for all who are interested— from any perspective— in texts and their transmissions. To avoid confusion, 1 should add that I do not mean to say that non-critical editions cannot be useful or learned. An editor may take trouble collating, weig nng of readings, making judicious emendations and choices on the basis of d *^munat on and wide reading, annotating, and so forth, and yet not provide ^ evide^e on the basis of which the text has been reconstructed; indeed editions of some Tam>l works are evidently works of very great learning. But it is not possible to find out from them both what all the sources were and which source read what for every line of text, means that no one can attempt to understand the relationships between the sources without reexamining all the sources. XXX Parakhyatan tra post-date the fifth century. 38 The majority of scholars who claim to study the Saiva Siddhanta in South India today ignore the San- skrit sources, and those who do study them tend to study relatively late South Indian ones: it is symptomatic of a widespread trend that, in the recent Madras University anthology of articles Facets of Saiva Siddhanta , the only one that acknowledges the early non- South-Indian heritage of the South Indian Saiva Siddhanta appears to be that of Ganesan (2000), who belongs in fact to the French Institute. 2. The second is the circumstance that the Saiva Siddhanta appears to have disappeared from all parts of India except the Tamil-speaking South after the twelfth-century. That is to say that, as far as I am aware, no evidence has come to light of the composition of texts after the twelfth-century and no evidence of Saiddhantika ini- tiations having taken place from outside that area after the thir- teenth. 39 Perhaps it is wrong to characterise this as disappear- ance; in some areas of India the old Siddhantas evidently contin- ued being transmitted and plentifully quoted in manuals of ritual, but along with texts of different religious outlook, and the result- ing blend ceased to go by the name Saiva Siddhanta. Thus from / the Kashmir valley we find Saiva tantric ritual manuals that draw largely on Siddhantas, but also on tantras that are philosophically less determinate, such as the Svacchanda. The two works that axe sometimes characterised as serving as the foundations for the syn- cretic brand of tantric ritual that has flourished in Kerala in recent centuries, namely the PrayogamanjarT and the Isanasivagurudeva- paddhati , both are rooted in the Saiva Siddhanta, 40 but, as fax as I am awaxe, the ritual system based upon them is never referred to as Saiddhantika. 38 I have drawn attention to this in GOODALL 1998:xxxvii-xxxix and Goodall 2000:213, fn. 27 and 28. 39 In the North, Saiddhantika initiation names are found in the thirteenth-century Dhureti plates of the Chandella king Trailokyamalla, which Mirashi (1955:369-74) has edited, translated and dated to 1212 AD, and in Andhra Pradesh in numerous inscriptions from the second quarter of the thirteenth century into the beginning of the fourteenth: see Swamy 1975 and Talbot 1987. 40 In the case of the PrayogamanjarT , its being rooted in the Siddhantas is evident, for instance, in chapter 9 (see particularly 9:1 and 9:8, but see also 1:6 and 1:29). For a characterisation of the Isanasivagurudevapaddhati, see p. cix below. Preface xxxi 3 The third factor is that the currents of ritual and philosophical thinking that evolved from the old pan-Indian Saiva Siddhanta in the Tamil-speaking South did, unlike those in Kerala, continue to present themselves as being Saiva Siddhanta. As we have seen above, in parallel with the growth of a body of tantras in San- skrit that, unlike the earlier Siddhantatantras, laid down the rules of public temple worship, there also flourished a school of increas- ingly Vedanta-influenced theological speculation whose texts were in Tamil, the first of them allegedly from the twelfth-century. 4. The fourth is that many of the early texts are unpublished, or partially published, or published in a minimally edited state that leaves them barely comprehensible, 41 and much of the worthwhile secondary literature is in French, which is a barrier for some Indo- logists. 5. The fifth factor is disinterest. The pattern of development that I have very crudely sketched seems to me not to be very difficult to discern, and I am not the first to believe it to be discernable (see, for instance, the works Brunner, Sanderson); but there has been no very strong motivation to try to discern it. In the words of Hous- MAN, ‘the faintest of all human passions is the passion for truth . Indian religious traditions, for obvious reasons, can sometimes ne- glect aspects of the study of their own historical development. And some indologists seem content to read philosophical texts as expres- sions of coherent systems of ideas, without any consideration of their development. Assigning dates, in so far as it has any interest at all, can become for them no more than an expression of pride in the texts: the more ancient they are, the more distinguished. An innocent might here pose the question: Why devote so much energy to questions of the chronology of texts? Is it of interest to know that a certain South Indian exegete composed a particular work in 1157 AD. By itself this fact is of course pretty much devoid of interest; but in the context of the dates of related literature it is invaluable information. Only when we see the chronological relationships between the works of the Saiva 4l See p. lxxxvii below. n . 42 From Housman’s preface to his edition M. Maniiii Astronomicon Liber Primus (London, 1903) as quoted in HOUSMAN 1981:43. XXX11 Parakhya tan tra Siddhanta can we then trace the intellectual history of the school and so its relationship to other philosophies. Now to return to the bibliographical issue with which I started, the principal reason why a large number of publications purportedly devoted to or treating of the Saiva Siddhanta are not considered here in detail is that they treat what we may refer to as the Tamil Saiva Siddhanta, a system that is later than and, to some extent, separable from the Saiva Siddhanta to which our text belongs. I say ‘to some extent’ because it is clear that the school known as the Saiva Siddhanta that developed in the Tamil-speaking South and the earliest of whose theological texts (the Meykantacattirankal) purportedly date from the twelfth century , 43 is closely related — it is clear, for instance, from the large body of ter- minology shared by its Tamil texts and by earlier Sanskrit literature. Indeed some South Indians tell me that it is unconscionable to pretend to write about the Saiva Siddhanta without detailed treatment of the Tamil sources. But although the Tamil school has plainly been influenced by, in- deed has grown out of, the once pan-Indian Sanskrit one, it is self-evident that there can have been no influence in the other direction before at least the twelfth-century. This book is devoted to the study of a tantra in San- skrit written before the tenth century, and so I feel justified in excluding from detailed treatment the Tamil school and secondary literature that discusses that school. I have, however, consulted many Sanskrit texts 43 Precise dates are commonly given for each of these fourteen ‘foundational’ treatises. All are placed in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries except the first two, the Tiruvuntiyar and the Tirukkaliuuppatiyar, which are assigned to 1147 and 1177 AD respectively. One work among the fourteen, the Cankarpanirakaranam records the occasion and the date of its composition: 1313 AD. I have not been able to discover on what authority dates have been assigned to the other thirteen works. Nor am I aware of these dates being investigated in recent secondary literature. PRENTISS (1996:237, fn.20), among others, refers for her dates to Dhavamony 1971, a much cited work often given the epithet ‘authoritative’. Dhavamony in turn (1971:175) refers to Iracamanikkanar 1958 for the date of the Tiruvuntiyar (for the other twelve unsubstantiated dates he refers to no authority). But IRACAMANIKKANAR (1958:269, n.31) appears not to give any justification for this date. The dates of the Meykanta- cattirahkal appear already (without evidence being adduced) in the preface (pp. 5-7) of the Madras edition of 1897. We should note that S.S. Suryanarayana Sastri (1930:22, fn. 31), who appears to have been rigorous in his attempts to date the various authors he studied relative to each other, describes 1313 AD, the date given by Umapati in the beginning of his Cankarpanirakaranam , as ‘the only date definitely known in the history of Tamil Saivism’. Preface XXXlll written after the twelfth century, many of whose authors had certainly felt the influences of the Tamilian school; but I have consulted them pri- marily to mine them for quotations of the Parakhya, in order better to reconstruct its text. Thus far I think I have nearly justified the exclusion of Tamil sources from the history of the pre-twelfth-century pan-Indian Saiva Siddhanta. But there is a body of Tamil texts arguably recognised as some sort of ‘scripture’ by some authors of the largely post-twelfth-century Tamil Saiva Siddhanta that may date from our early period: some of the devotional Tamil hymns by certain of the Nayanmars may be contemporaneous with some of the earliest surviving Sanskrit Saiddhantika writings . 11 Whatever the period(s) of their composition, these hymns are not directly relevant to us because they were not in their own time in any sense Saiddhantika compositions; indeed it is questionable whether any clearly defined the- ological positions can be inferred from the hymns of any of the poets. It is as literary expressions of devotion that they were cherished by sub- sequent Tamil thinkers and so canonised ; 45 the theology of the Tamil Saiva Siddhanta was formulated rather in the Meykantacattiraiikal and its commentaries . 46 I may have seemed harshly dismissive of some of the secondary lit- erature in the foregoing pages, and so I acknowledge here that I have of course nevertheless derived much benefit from it. I am well aware that mv own work will before long (and perhaps already does) seem tiresomely de- ficient in one respect or another to some readers. And perhaps it is worth 44 Dating these Tamil poets is a vexed business and still the subject of debate. An impression of the complexity can be gained from leafing through, for example, RaN- GASWAMY’s chapter ‘Age of Nampi Arurar’ (1991:1 14-77 (first edition 1958]) and Gaos 1982 (‘postface’ to the 1982 re-edition of Karavelane’s Chants devotionnels tamouls de Karaikkalam m aiyar, esp. pp. 96ff) and 1984 (introduction to Gopal Iyer’s edition of the Tevaram, esp. pp. viii ff). 45 This appears to be acknowledged even by those who affirm the Tamil charac- ter (if not actually Tamil origins) of the Saiva Siddhanta. See, e.g., Devasenapa I hi (1966 273)' ‘Tevaram and Tiruvacagam , (like the Prabandam of the Alvars) consti- tute, if we may say so, the Tamil upanisads.’ Cf. also Rangaswamy’s conclusion, after more than a thousand pages devoted to the ‘Religion and Philosophy’ of Arurar, that l [i]t has not been possibly [sic] to label him as belonging to any particular Philosophy (1991:1265). .... 46 Por a useful treatment of the doctrines of this Tamil Saiva Siddhanta, see Devase- NAPATHI 1966. XXXIV Parakhyatantra stating explicitly that there is, as I have implied, some most admirable secondary literature . 47 4 7 Particularly noteworthy are the voluminous writings of Brunner, amongst which the introduction to the third volume of her translation and study of the Somasambhu- paddhati (1977) provides a good introduction to the early Saiva Siddhanta, and the articles of Sanderson (1985, 1990, 1992, 1995, *1996), which all go some way towards articulating the relationships between the early Saiva Siddhanta and its Saiva tantric context, touching in some articles on particular aspects: its doctrines (1992), the role of ritual within it (1995), and its canon (*1996). Shortly before completing this book, I have become aware of DvivedI 2000, pp. 235- 427 of which give a useful account of the principal authors and doctrines of the early pan-Indian £aiva Siddhanta. I have two small reservations about this treatment. The first is that the presentation of doctrines often takes relatively little account of historical development, in other words, does not articulate the relationships between the texts that give slightly conflicting accounts of particular points of doctrine or attempt to explain or comment on those differences (see, e.g., the treatment of the transmigratory body on p. 374), and where it is historically more sensitive, it has elsewhere been improved upon in a number of details (contrast, e.g., the account of malaparipaka and karmasamya on pp. 357-62 with Goodall 1998:xxxiii-xxxvi, and 215-220). The second is that the account of the relations between most of the authors he discusses has also, I think, been improved on elsewhere (this is particularly so of Aghorasiva, Trilocanasiva, and Sarvatmasambhu; see Goodall 2000). INTRODUCTION The Parakhyatantra and its place in the Saiddhantika canon As will be clear from the numerous testimonia that appear in the appa- ratus to the text, the Parakhyar or Saurabheya-tantra was once a valued authority, much quoted both by writers of the period of the early pan Indian Saiva Siddhanta, i.e. up to and including Aghorasiva, and also by thinkers of various of the subsequent South Indian strands of developmen that go by the name of the Saiva Siddhanta. It is curious therefore, that there seems to survive only one incomplete manuscript of the text, trans- mitting pataJas 1-6 and 14-15. The codex in which it is written (hereafter M v ; I continue to use the siglum to which I assigned it for my edition of the Kir ana, GOODALL 1998) is of unique importance to our understan - ing of the early Saiva Siddhanta because it is also the codex umcus foi much of the Rauravasutrasahgraha 49 which, as I have argued in my intro- duction to the Kiranavrtti, is the only part of the printed Raurava eai y enough to have been known to the lineage of Bhatta Ramakantha II, a it is the only manuscript known to me which transmits the complete text of the Svayambhuvasutrasaiigraha with the chapters in the correct order (i e that preserved in the fragmentary Nepalese palm-leaf manuscript) and unmixed with other (later) chapters, as we find in most South Indian «I pass over here the other manuscripts listed in Mysore catalogues, MSS J ^ 5 “ d B 811 transcripts on paper in Kannada script (see p.cii ff below). An examination of their readings reveals them to be apographs of M . volume of N R 49 Printed as the ‘ vidyapada ' at the beginning and end of the first volu ™* ° , . Bhatt’s ftauravagama. A handful of South Indian manuscripts transmit up to 4.41 but ShTJ transmits an upodghata and ten chapters. Bhatt was not able to use M v for the constitution of the text of the upodghata 1:1-4:41. (I intend soon to pu is a list of improvements to the edition of the Rauravasutrasangraha and especially to thi part of the text.) XXX VI Parakhyatantra manuscripts . 50 (Although the Mysore edition does not make clear that it is based on M v , the errors and gaps therein show that it must be.) Furthermore the codex’s text of the Kirana is the closest among those of all the manuscripts known to me to the text that Ramakantha had be- fore him — closer even than the text of the manuscripts that also transmit Ramakantha’s commentary. 50 For a fuller discussion of the extent of the Svayambhuvasutrasangraha and of its clumsy incorporation in South India into a larger text called Svayambhuva see Goodall 1998:xlviii-li, in particular fn. 111. (Neither of Filliozat’s editions of the Svayambhuvavrtti discuss the structure or extent of the text of which it is a partial commentary, nor does his just published article on Sadyojyotis of the same period, beyond a sentence to the effect that the commented chapters, 1-5, appear as chapters 33-7 in some manuscripts (2001:24).) I earlier offered no hypothesis about the relation of these texts to a Suksma- svayambhuva of which three padas are cited a few times by early writers (e.g. by Abhinavagupta in Tantraloka 15:2c-3b and by Ramakantha in the Matahgavrtti ad vidyapada 3:23c-25b and 26:63): yo yatrabhilased bhogan sa tatraiva niyojitah siddhibhah mantrasamarthyat. This verse occurs also in the South Indian Svayambuva as 40:2c-3b (IFP MS T. 39, p. 148) and equipped with a final pada: syad atroktam avistarat. But, as Vasudeva suggests (*2000:239, fn. 170), The whole of the extremely short 40th chapter of the IFI transcript 39 is perhaps no more than a later South Indian fabrication specifically written to include an earlier, authoritative citation from a lost work. Both Vasudeva (ibid.) and myself (Goodall 1998:373, fn. 607) mistakenly assumed that no other verses survived attributed to the Suksmasvayambhuva. In fact Vaktra- sambhu quotes two and a half verses that he attributes to the Suksmasvayambhuva in the MrgendrapaddhatitTka (IFP MS T. 1021, p. 127), and he plainly distinguished the work from the Svayambhuvasutrasangraha , for he twice mentions both works together in lists, one of which we have quoted above on p. lix, and the other is to be found on p. 208 of the transcript. A further half-verse is attributed to the Suksmasvayambhuva in the appendix to the Sarvamatopanyasa, quoted between C:52 and 53 in Appendix I, and another is quoted in the Atmarthapujapaddhati, IFP MSS T. 795, p. 78, T. 323, p. 123, T. 321, p. 125, and T. 282, p. 116. Note that Brunner’s listing (1977:698) of IFP MS T. 192 as a manuscript transmitting the Suksmasvayambhuvagama and Suksmasvayambhuvavrtti is a slip; the manuscript is a transcript of Madras GOML MS R 16797 transmitting the first four chapters of the Svayambhuvasutrasangraha (including the verses of chapter 4 not commented upon by Sadyojyotis) followed by Sadyojyotis’s Svayambhuvavrtti , and its readings are reported in Filliozat’s editions marked with the siglum ka. There is however other evidence of there having been a Suksmasvayambhuvavrtti: Trilocanasiva quotes from it in his SomasambhupaddhatitTka (see Brunner 1977:419, n. 244e). Introduction XXXVll It is true that quotations from the text are not especially common in the works of Saiddhantikas up to and including Aghorasiva — Ramakantha quotes it by name only once (ad Matahgavidyapada 12:25-27b, pp. 347- 8), Narayanakantha only twice (ad Mrgendravidyapada 2:7, p. 58 and ad Mrgendravidyapada 11:11, p. 231), and thus Aghorasiva too, who in his works on doctrine rarely quotes an authority that has not previously been quoted by these important forbears, refers to it infrequently (ad Nadakarika 12, Bhogakarika lOOc-lOlb (untraced in M 1 '), and without attribution ad Tattvatrayanirnaya 6, Tattvaprakasa25, 44-5, Ratnatraya- parlksa 30ab and RatnatrayaparTksa 180c-182b). Is it conceivable that the text’s being taught by Prakasa rather than by a form of Siva himself diminished the authoritativeness of the Parakhya in the eyes of some? A passage from Ksemaraja’s Svacchandatantroddyota (ad 10:516c-517b quoted in fn. 604 on p. 309 below) suggests this, but it seems likely that Ksemaraja takes such a position there merely because he wishes to find a reason for upholding a teaching of the Svacchanda against assertions of the Mrgendra and the Parakhya. Judging from the number and range of its quotations, particularly in South Indian works, the Mrgendr a’s importance in the Saiddhantika exegetical tradition seems to have been huge in spite of its being a redaction by Indra rather than Siva’s words. Whatever be the reason for their relative paucity, these few early Saiddhantika attestations, taken together with the very substantial quo- tations that appear in the tenth chapter of Ksemaraja’s Svacchanda- tantroddyota, serve to prove that this Parakhya is an early work. Thus it may join the tiny list of surviving demonstrably early listed Siddhantas 51 — the Kirana, the Nisvasa, the Rauravasutrasahgraha, the Svayambhuvasutrasahgraha, the [Pauskara-jParamesvara. 52 For although it does not figure in the standardized South Indian list that Bhatt tabu- lates in his introduction to the first volume of the Raurava, it appears at the end of a number of early versions of the list of twenty-eight primary scriptures, namely those of the Paramesvara, the SrlkanthTya, the Kirana, 51 For a reasoned account of which Saiddhantika scriptures we may assume to have predated the Kashmirian thinkers of the lineage of Ramakantha II whose works helped to shape the school’s theology see Goodall 1998:xxxix-xlvii. 52 Some might include here the non-eclectic recensions of the Kalottara on the grounds that they are redactions of the scripture listed as the Vathula/Vatula (see Goodall 1998:xlv-xlvi, fn. 103, quoting SANDERSON). xxxviii Parakhya tan tra and that which prefaces the Jnanapancasika recension of the Kalottara , 53 Two early Parakhyatantras? Our Parakhya does not, however, appear to be the same as that quoted in the Brhatkalottara . 54 Professor Sanderson has kindly furnished me with his preliminary edition (*1996b) of the sivabhedapatala and the tantrotpattivyakhyapatala 5o which purport to give the mula- or a di-sutras of the twenty-eight root scriptures. The Parakhya is last on the list, and its sutra, and a brief commentary thereon, read as follows (verses 92-5b, f. 55 r , lines 2-5): athavyaktam mahalihgam purusatTtavacakam j nan am sivatmakam suksmam sarvavijhaptikaranam adisutram id am jheyam saurabheye parahvaye athavyaktamahalihgaproktya tattvain gunatmakam 56 tatha sivatmakoktya tu sivam eva padam smrtam tasya vacyasya ye mantra vacakah saktirupinah ata etatpadenoktain purusatTtavacakam This sutra appears nowhere in what M Y transmits of the Parakhya and, although it is possible that it occurred in one of the chapters that was not copied, this is unlikely, firstly because a disutras, as the name tells us, occur at or towards the beginning of a work and we seem to have what must have been intended to be the beginning of our Parakhya preserved 53 See Goodall 1998:402-17 for a tabulation of these lists, together with rudimentary editions of the lists that are drawn from unpublished sources. The list which prefaces the Jnanapancasika I treated as belonging to the Jnanapancasika in GOODALL 1998:412, but Dr. Acharya has pointed out to me that in other manuscripts than the one I consulted, a division is clearly marked between the account of the canon and the first speech of Karttikeya, which in fact marks the beginning of the Jnanapancasika. All the verses of this prefatory section from the seventh verse up to and including the one before the true beginning of the tantra are to be found in the Pratisthalaksanasarasa- muccaya as 2:107-29, which is in fact the list I referred to in Goodall 1998:417, fn. 149, but had been unable to see. j4 This section of the Brhatkalottara has been discussed at greater length in Goodall (1998:414-17). I repeat here a certain amount of that information since it is relevant to the Parakhya. 55 Brhatkalottara, National Archives of Kathmandu 1-89, NGMPP Reel No. B 24/59 1 Kalottara', ff.47 v -55 r . 56 gunatmakam ] em. SANDERSON; gunatmakam smrtam MS Introduction xxxix in M y , and secondly that beginning contains a plausible mulasutra (1:4 or 1:5 or both). 57 It is possible then that the Brhatkalottara knew an- other Parakhya, and this is suggested by another passage in the same tantrotpattivyakhyapatala in which divisions of the twenty-eight funda- mental scriptures are listed (verses 16-30b, f. 51 r , line 6— 52 r , line 1). In the last half- verse of this passage the Parakhya is said to be two- fold: saurabheyam (em. Sanderson; °bhedam MS) parakhyam ca dvividham ca parahvayam This last half-verse may mean then that the redactor(s) of the Brhat- kalottara knew of two parts of a Parakhya or of two independent works, one known as the Saurabheya and the other as the Parakhya. The adi- sutra it quotes must then be assumed to belong to the one not preserved in M y . As a source of information about the canon the Brhatkalottara must, however, be used with caution: very little of the material in these patalas can be verified (only the adisutras of the Rauravasutrasangraha , the Kirana , and the Svayambhuvasutrasahgraha can be found in surviving works) and some of the information does not fit as neatly as might be hoped. 58 Furthermore the solution is not entirely satisfactory because Saurabheya seems elsewhere to be used as an alternative name for our Parakhya (see p.cviii). If we are to make sense of what the Brhatkalottara tells us, we might assume that what M y transmits is the upabheda of the Parakhya that the Brhatkalottara calls Saurabheya , since that name Saurabheya can be argued to be appropriate to it, as we shall see below, 59 and thus both names can be used of it. The lost work from which the untraced adi- sutra is quoted might then be the upabheda of the Parakhya which the Brhatkalottara actually calls Parakhya. As for the appropriateness of the name Saurabheya , I quote Sander- son’s suggestion (Goodall 1998:lxv, fn. 156): 57 It is clear that an adisutra need not be a unit of thirty-two syllables: Ramakantha takes Kirana 1: 1 lc— 12d to be the adisutraoi that work ( Kirana 1:13, which is identified as the adisutra in the Brhatkalottara (f. 54 v , lines 3-4) Ramakantha refers to as a prati- jhasutrantaram ), and for the Vijaya the Brhatkalottara identifies just two padas as the adisutra (f. 52 v , line 2). 58 See, e.g., the information about the subdivision of the Nisvasa quoted in Goodall 1998:416. 59 We can assume that the reading saurabhedam is a slip, although this too could be appropriate, since the teacher of the tantra is the sun. xl Parakhyatan tra The interlocutors of the Parakhya axe Prakasa (the sun) and a certain Pratoda, who can be identified with Vasistha, 60 because this information is given when a passage from the Parakhya is quoted in Taksakavarta’s digest (f. 4(F, line 15): pratodo bhagavan vasistha uvaca This connection with Vasistha may explain the Parakhya’s other name: since Vasistha is closely associated in mythology with Surabhi, the ‘cow of plenty’ produced at the churning of the ocean, Professor Sanderson proposes (in a letter of 2.ix.96) that Saurabheya means ‘taught to Saurabha’, Saurabha denoting Vasistha. The same passage of Taksakavarta’s Nityadisahgrahabhidhanapaddhati identifies Prakasa as the sun, introducing his first speech with prakaso bhagavan surya uvaca , and this identification is confirmed by the speaker indication before 4:40 in M y ’s text. I give below a translation of Taksaka- varta’s quotation, which is to be found as A: 1-8 in Appendix I. The venerable Pratoda, [that is to say] Vasistha spoke: Earlier [you taught that] the five brahmamantras are arranged as limbs and subsidiary limbs [of Sadasiva]. What is the point of these supposititious limbs that you call ‘heart’, etc.? (1) Prakasa, the Lord the sun, spoke: These limbs being said to be limbs belongs to a teaching that is couched in figurative language (upacaravidhisthitam) . For even those [mantras] that we call armour and sword [viz. the kavaca and the astra] are here [spoken of figuratively as] limbs. And those two are not [in fact] limbs; they become [spoken of figuratively as] limbs because they are occasioned by [real] limbs. (2-3b) The hrdaya is put on like a protective cloth for the protection of the heart; the SIRAS is something wrapped about the head as a protection for the head; the CULIKA is a protection for the head; and the kankana is a protection for the body. (3c-4) 60 There are precious few instances of verse- filling vocatives in Prakasa’s speeches that could confirm this identification. Pratoda is once addressed with mune 4:166b and in Sataratnasahgraha 61, said in the commentary to be from the Parakhya but not traced in M Y (see Appendix I.L:128), the address munisattama is used. One might also regard the final word of Appendix I. G :93d as a vocative and accept that it once formed part of our text. Introduction xli Once he has grasped the weapons, the mantra-practitioner is fearsome, like a soldier; he cannot be vanquished by lower creatures; [he is] like [the bird] Tarksya among snakes. (5) This fashioning of his ‘limbs’ [is performed] in the same way as the fashioning of his body [with the brahmamantras]. A making firm [of this body] of the sadhaka, which is produced with(?) pride/conviction, is then to be accomplished. Hav- ing become Siva internally and externally, as Siva he should worship Siva. (6) Pratoda spoke: Since we see [in worldly interaction] that the relation between one who honours and one who is honoured is like [the rela- tionship] of an inferior and a superior, if he has become Siva and is then literally Siva, how can he be a worshipper? (7) Prakasa spoke: The Lord is in a palace atop the pure path; to reach Him is to become equal to Him. Without becoming equal to Him, the [aspirant] cannot worship Him. For we observe [in the world] that amity, which results in the [desired] fruit, [takes place] between those of like qualities. (8) The passage quoted in Taksakavarta’s digest does not overlap with the parts of the text that M Y transmits; but its style and subject matter are certainly characteristic of M v ’s Parakhya , and NP omits chapters 7- 13, so we may suppose that the passage belonged to one of these. The same may apply to the numerous quotations, relating principally to ritual, which cannot be located in M y, s text. As we know from 6:81, ritual was to be treated in the now missing section of text that once followed the sixth chapter. Now there is in fact other evidence for the existence of more than one Parakhya : the twelfth-century JnanaratnavalT of Jnanasambhu (see p. cx below) quotes a number of verses on the theme of prayascitta which it attributes to a Parasamhita (Appendix I.D:59-77). This label by itself is of course not enough to show that he was quoting a different text from our Parakhya (Ksemaraja’s quotations regularly use the label parayam, which could be an ellipsis of either parasamhitayam or of parasamhitayam , and Tryambakasambhu’s quotation of 4:167 is prefaced by the latter); but the quotation here follows immediately on from another quotation treating xlii Parakhyatan tra the same theme attributed to the Parakhya (Appendix I.D:56-8). The first quotation is a brief account that, while not distinctively characteristic of our Parakhya , would not seem obviously out of place in it; the quotation attributed to the Parasamhita , however, is a relatively prolix account that is, I think, not typical of our text. It is possible, then, that it is this lost Parasamhita that is the Brhatkalottara's second Parakhya. And it should be borne in mind that some of the untraced quotations in Appendix I may belong to this lost source. One further work should be mentioned that is confused with M y ’s Parakhya , and that is the ( Mahar)KaravTramahayaga , a work belonging to the Kallkulakrama listed under what is supposed to be an alternative title, Paratantragama , in the New Catalogus Catalogorum (Vol. XI, p.201). It is clear that the names alone are the source of the confusion. The two manuscripts listed under this head that are recorded as listed in the Mysore catalogue of 1922 are of our Saiddhantika Parakhya (see p.cii below) and the rest 61 do not transmit our text. Relative chronology I suggested in the introduction to the Kiranavrtti that the lists of Siddhantas might reflect their chronology. I thought of withdrawing this afterwards, because there seemed to be no reason why this should have been so (the redactors would surely not have intended to construct lists that reflected the order of composition). But here, once again, the rel- atively ‘modern’ flavour of the Parakhya , which is last in every list in which it appears, supports the idea. (But of course we must not forget the possibility that the Parakhya that is listed is not the text transmitted in M y , but the other work of the same name known to the redactor of the Brhatkalottara.) If the lists grew as the tantras got written, then they might unintentionally have come to reflect roughly the order of their com- position. A relative chronology of these is extremely difficult to establish, since the redactors of scripture try not to leave clues, and there is little external evidence. In my introduction to the Kiranavrtti I grouped possi- ble kinds of internal evidence under the following heads: cross-references; 61 MSS 5953, 5954, 5955, and 6822 of the Collections of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, described by Haraprasada Shastrj in Volume VIII, Part I of their catalogue (1939:142-7 and 874), as well as Cambridge University Library MS Add. 1477 and India Office Library MS 2590. Introduction xliii discrepant lists of the principles (tattva) with which the universe is struc- tured; the structure of the tantras; oddities of doctrine; peculiarities of language; positioning within the traditional lists of twenty-eight We have mentioned the last of these, and the first gives us no help with the Parakhya. The evidence of peculiarities of language has to be used with care: in the case of the Kirana it now seems clear to me that the passages which contain most aisa forms are those giving injunctions and descri - ing rituals, for it is in these that the redactor reveals his difficulties with constructing correct optatives (forms such as hunet are common) and his failure to distinguish when to use lyap and when ktva. In the P hl °- sophical portion of the Kirana relatively few aisa usages occur. Of the Parakhya only the doctrinal portions are transmitted and these only m one manuscript. With this caveat stated, it is fair to observe that its Sanskrit seems in some respects ‘purer’ and is metrically more ambitious (each chapter ends with a verse not in anustubh ), but see the discussion of the Parakhya’s language and metre below. The use of developed terminology of the Saiva Siddhanta I have also advanced as a criterion for the relative dating of the Parakhya (Goodall 2001a:331), but this can be extremely treacherous. The term pancakrtya, a term common in commentatorial works for the ancient group of Siva s five cosmic functions (assumed by commentators to be listed in Rfurav* sutrasahgraha l:15ab), but not, I think, attested in other early S _»ddhantas with the exception of the (also relatively late) Mrgendravidyapada (3:8d), is to be found in Parakhya 2:123d. Remarking on this in Goodall 2001a, I alluded also to the mention of pralayakalas in Parakhya 4:20f as being perhaps the earliest instance of the use of the term in a Siddhantata- ntra (2001a:331). In fact we find it in verse 4 of the fragment of what is probably the Ur-Pauskara quoted in the JhanaratnavalT and reproduced on p.liii below. Thus it is perhaps that text, rather than the Maluu- vijayottara (as suggested by Sanderson, quoted by Goodall 1998:184 5, fn. 71), that was the source of the Saiddhantika classification of a a souls into pralayakala and vijhanakala. In its list of the constitutive principles of the universe the Parakhya is the closest of the demonstrably early tantras to the canonical post- scriptural Saiva Siddhanta of the exegetes, for from the bhuvanapapala (chapter 5) it is clear that its tattvakrama is exactly that of the Tat- xliv Parakhyatantra tvaprakasa 62 but for the omission of sakti. (Since siva and sakti are ontologically indivisible, it is not clear to me whether this omission need be regarded as a significant deviation from the Tat tvaprakasa 1 s list.) In this and in other matters of doctrine the Parakhya , like the Kirana and the later, still more sastric Matahga and Mrgendra , is evidently trying to present and defend a reasoned, consistent world view. Pratoda’s ques- tions, like those of Garuda and Matanga, insistently probe possible doubts and inconsistencies and are not, as those of other interlocutors sometimes seem, the perfunctory requests for knowledge periodically required by the genre. We may conclude that the Parakhya is probably the latest or one of the latest of the surviving listed pre-tenth-century tantras of the Saiddhantika canon. Excursus upon the Raurava and the Rauravasutrasangraha One further observation should be added to this discussion. Since my discussion of the Saiddhantika canon appeared in the introduction to the first volume of the Kiranavrtti , one book has been published in this series that implicitly challenges the stratification I have proposed, and that is the translation of the Raurava by Dagens and Barazer-Billoret (2000). They are not of the view that the Rauravasutrasangraha is the only part of the text sufficiently early to have been known to Kashmirian exegetes of the tenth century, and since this bears on my stratification, but I intend instead to leave a detailed examination of their argumentation to a later publication. Briefly, my own position is that the many quotations attributed to the Raurava in the works of early Saiddhantika authors (i.e. up to and including the twelfth-century Aghorasiva and his immediate disciples) that are to be traced to the Rauravasutrasangraha demonstrate that the Rauravasutrasangraha was the early Raurava known to those authors. These same early authors do not quote from the corpus that has been published as the ‘ kriyapada 1 of the Raurava, 63 and this suggests that 62 The Bhoja who authored this work is, as GENGNAGEL argues (1996:21), probably to be placed in between Ramakantha and Aghorasiva. 63 0ne chapter of the ‘kriyapada' , 58, contains material from Rauravasutrasangraha 8, and that material is cited; but chapter 58 is cooked together out of quotations attributed to the Raurava, and the overlapping material derives, I believe, from the Raurava- sutrasahgraha. Dagens and Barazer-Billoret imagined that they had found an independent quotation that confirmed the antiquity of the version found in chapter 58 Introduction xlv the early authors did not know that corpus. The arguments of Dagens and Barazer-Billoret (2000) for proving the relative lateness of the Ra uravas u trasahgrah a and the relative antiquity of the 1 kriyapada of the Raurava seem to me to amount to a collection of conflicting strategies for explaining away the evidence of the many quotations attributed to the Raurava that we find in the Rauravasutrasahgraha. They argue, for instance, (2000:xiv) that the quotations must be from an earlier Raurava , since they are labelled Raurava and not Rauravasutrasahgraha (this is in fact an exaggeration), and yet on p.xvi they acknowledge that the many quotations we find from the Rauravasutrasahgraha show that, by claiming to be scripture at second or third remove, the Rauravasutra- sahgraha was not unsuccessful in attaining recogition. Later (2000:xlii) we find them suggesting that the Rauravasutrasahgraha was a ‘memento’ of the Raurava sufficiently close to its original for subsequent authors to get confused about what they were quoting. Later still we find the claim (p. 1) that the honour in which the exegetes of the tradition held the Raurava they quote shows that they could not actually have been quoting from so meagre and disorganised a work as the Rauravasutrasahgraha , in which the quoted lines happen to occur but which is not their source. To me Dagens and Barazer-Billoret make the impression of battling against rather than using each piece of textual evidence that might have helped them to build up a coherent account of the genesis of the Raurava ‘corpus’. And they have not discussed the earliest and most important evidence: the testimony of Sadyojyotis, the earliest Saiddhantika exegete of whom works survive. For DAGENS and BARAZER-BILLORET it seems that all that was really great about the Ur-Raurava that has survived are its name and reputation (2000:1): . . . quant a sa reputation passee elle est attestee moins par les citations dont on a parle que par les innombrables signes que ce texte a ete (tres certainement a plusieurs reprises) adapte, mis au gout du jour et du lieu, pour demeurer une reference incontestable. Now there may indeed once have been an Ur-Raurava that is now irre- trievably lost. But we do not have the evidence to prove whether or not (2000:xxviii, fn. 50), but they failed to realise that the quotation in question is in fact not independent but one of the quotations that is a principal source for chapter 58 of the edition. xlvi Parakhyatantra such a thing existed. What the evidence of substantial early attributed quotations from the Rauravasutrasangraha and the absence of such quo- tations from the ‘ kriyapada ’ allow us to conclude is that the earliest now surviving Raurava is almost certainly the body of chapters transmitted to us of the Rauravasutrasangraha. * Dates and the Saiva Tantric canon . . . Concerning the chronology of the early scriptural sources of Tantric Saivism we can do little more than assert for most of the texts known to us that they predate the citations that appear in the works of the earliest datable commentators, that is to say, in works of the tenth to early eleventh centuries from Kashmir or Malava, and for a few of them, that they go back at least to the early ninth century since they survive in Nepalese manuscripts of that date. . . Going back further than this we lose sight of titles and can only establish that Tantric Saiva texts of certain familiar kinds must have been present and that these or some of these were probably works among those that were current later. Thus I propose that a scriptural corpus of the kind we find later in the Saiddhantika. scriptures must have been in existence by the beginning of the seventh century. There survive inscrip- tions recording the Saiddhantika Saiva initiation of three ma- jor kings during the second half of that century, and during its first half the Buddhist philosopher Dharmaklrti (c. 600- 660) goes to the trouble of attacking the Tantric practice of initiation as the means to liberation. These facts reveal that Tantric Saivism of this relatively public and strongly soterio- logical variety was not merely present in the seventh century but well established. And this implies the existence of Tantric Saiva scriptures. 64 After his magisterial treatment of the earliest diverse pieces of external evidence that pin down the ‘limits before which Tantric Saiva literature can be seen to have existed’ 65 Sanderson observes (2002:14-15): 64 Sanderson 2002:2-11 [footnotes omitted]. 65 Sanderson 2002 : 14 . Introduction xlvii For evidence of what it postdates, we must look to the texts themselves. Since they have been composed as scripture, that is to say, as transmissions of a timeless revelation, they are less than generous in this respect. Their redactors seem to have been careful to avoid references to historical persons and events that would undermine faith by implying a terminus post quern ; and the device of prophecy, which would have al- lowed reference to the past without this consequence, is rare in this predominantly prescriptive literature. So one is reduced to trying to get the better of the redactors by identifying ele- ments in their texts which they probably considered timeless facts but whose introduction can nonetheless be dated, if only approximately. One such element that SANDERSON goes on to mention and that we find in the Parakhya is the use of notions of Greek astrology, in particular the listing of the planets in the order of their lordship of the weekdays ( Parakhya 5:115-27), since ‘[t]exts with these elements can hardly be earlier than the fourth century ad’ (Sanderson 2002:15-16).^ VASUDEVA’s illuminating discussion of the nadiphantakrama (*2000:xli-lxii) ingeniously makes use of another kind of datable evidence that might once have appeared timeless: the graphemes of a particular script. He here convincingly demonstrates (particularly *2000:lviii— lxii) that the nadiphantakrama is not an arbitrary sequence of characters but one that makes sense if derived from an arrangement of the characters of ‘the Kusana and early Gupta version of the BrahmT alphabet’ such that they make up the body-parts of the goddess MalinT. 66 Vasudeva is of course aware that this does not enable us to date any particular Trika text to between the second and fifth centuries (*2000:lx). Such ingenuity is not required to date the Parakhya, which we can be certain does not belong to such an early phase of Saiddhantika literature, for we can plainly discern the influence upon it of thinkers of the seventh century. It is worth remarking that the author of the Parakhya seems 60 il]n the Trika’s Nadiphantakrama the written shape of each grapheme taken singly was identified as resembling a certain bodily limb or organ; taken together the whole syllabary represented the anthropomorphic body of the alphabet deity. When hs e in the conventional head-to-toes order of the nyasa-rite a particular rearrangement of the alphabet is arrived at, and this is the sequence beginning with NA and ending with pha.’ (Vasudeva *2000:lxi-lxii). xlviii Parakhyatantra not to have been particularly careful in suppressing altogether references to historical personages if they seemed ancient enough. In his account of the conventionality of language he alludes to metrical terms in order to make the point that they are conventions rather than eternal givens (6:47). In other words, he implicitly admits that the terms would be incomprehensible to someone not familiar with the work of Pingala, and this point is made explicitly in the Sabarabhasya , on which, directly or indirectly, he is almost certainly drawing at this point. The same passage refers to the muni who codified grammar (6:48), and this can surely only be Panini. (His position that the Vedas are not authorless, a corollary of the position that language is conventional, means that they too are not beyond time, but they are perhaps beyond historical time.) In short, the author of the Paiakhya appears not to have wished to disguise altogether that the Parakhya , at least in this redaction, had a place in human history. The sources and the date of the Parakhya Like the Mrgendra and the Matahga , and unlike most other surviving early Siddhantas (Nisvasa, Paramesvara , Kir an a, Saidhatrisatikalottara , Sarvajnanottara , etc.), the Parakhya treats theological and philosophical problems in great detail, is thematically tightly structured, and is written (in part) in what aspires to be the style of philosophical karikas. Although I have not recognised a very large number of close verbal echoes of sastric texts outside the Saiva tradition, the Pai'akhya very fre- quently reproduces the arguments of such texts. It is plain that the earli- est Siddhantas (the Nisvasa, the Rauravasutrasahgraha , and the Svayam - bhuvasutrasahgraha ) borrow much of their fundamental ontology from Sankhya thinkers. Now the Parakhya , of course, inherits this ontology and draws on Sankhya sources; 67 but it evidently belongs to a later (or at least conceptually later) phase, in which Saiddhantikas were at pains to bring some of their doctrines into line with certain developments in sastric thought that we can trace to the writings of quite different rivals: Mlmamsakas, Vedantins, Vaisesikas, and Naiyayikas. I have earlier as- 6 'Sankhya ideas pervade the entire text, but for some particular instances see foot- notes 141, 144 and 328 on pp. 180, 182 and 235 below, and compare 4:4-5 with Sahkhyakarika 7, 4:70-1 with Sahkhyakarika 12, 4:107-8 with Sahkhyakarika 38, and 4:125 with Sankhyakarika 27. Notice also the echo of Yogasutra 1.23 in Parakhya Introduction xlix serted (GOODALL 2001a:332) that Dharmaklrti’s insistence on the sadhya and sadhana in formal argument being necessarily connected (avmabhava- niyama), i.e. related by karyakaranabhava or by svabhava was probably the ultimate source for the pronouncement in Parakhya 2:6. This now seems to me impossible, as I will later explain (see fn 103 on p. 167 be- low); 68 but we do find an echo of Dharmakirti in Parakhya 6.49cd, whi recalls and may be based on Pramanavarttika l:320ab. The influence of Mimamsaka thought is in evidence in almost all the Parakhya’s philosophical discussions. We have referred above to one pas- sage based directly or indirectly on the Sabarabhasya. I suspect that there are a number of conscious echoes specifically of Rumania s discussions, but this is often difficult to prove. , . . I have earlier argued (GOODALL 2001a:332-3) that such an echo is to be found in the Parakhya’s treatment of the proof of the existence of a creator god. The Kir ana’s naive presentation of the argument by which the Lord is inferred from his effect, the universe, 6 shows no awareness of Rumania's objection that if the Lord’s creativ- ity is to be compared with the potter’s, then the Lord should be perishable and have other such undesirable qualities of the potter. 70 Ramakantha, of course, is aware of Rumania’s ar- gument, which he quotes ad loc., and his response is that each craftsman is omniscient and omnipotent within his own sphere of action. 71 Now the same line of response is implicit in the general rule formulated in Parakhya 2:29-30b: «“Cf Matahgavidyiipada 3:9abc, quoted in fn. 103 on p. 167 below. SANDERSON (2002- 16) has pointed out a couple of other echoes of non-Saiva sastnc texts in t SS 62 » paraphrased in vRv.pada 6,63c-64b and D lg n.S»s definition of pratyak.a (pr.ty.ter™ taJpuiipodh.m) given in lhe of the Pramanasamuccaya is alluded to in Matangayogapada 4.15c-16a (amrdesya asandigdham kaJpanapodhagocarani/ pratyaksam ). . "Kir ana 3:12: sthulam vicitrate.ni karyam nanyatha ghatavad bhavet/ asti hetur atah kascit. karma cen, na hy acetanam. ™Slokavarttika, sambandhaksepaparihara 79-80 , hi ehat5 . 71 Kiranavrtti 3:12.26-7 and 30-1: na ca viruddho hetuh ... drstante hi gha. dav ayam hetuh svasadhye svakaryasarvajiiatvasarvate^ ptah siddho yatas tasyamsenapi vaika/yena ghatadarsanad av.nasitvenap. kumbhaka- ratmano nityatvat tasyaiva ca kartrtvat. 1 Parakhyatan tra nimittam Tsvarakhyam tad yad drstam saha- karanam upadanam ca yat suksmam sarvakaryesu samhitam karananam tray am tena sarvakaryesu samhitam 72 And the point is reiterated in Parakhya 2:63— 4b: sadhanahgaphalaih sardham vetti sarvam id am tatah yat ha tantvadikrt kart a visaylkrtya tani sah tasmin pravartate karye tadvat tasmin parah sivah. Some such echoes may be more apparent than real, but one verse con- tains what I think really must be an allusion to Kumarila. Consider the following objection of Pratoda ( Parakhya 3:38): tathyam yac codanavakyam agnihotradivacakam tasya jhanasamutpattau napramanyam tridha sthitam. True statements of Vedic injunction (tathyam yac codana- vakyam) that teach such things as the Agnihotra are not non- authoritative in [any of the] three ways [in which something may be non-authoritative] (tasya ... napramanyam tridha sthitam ) when understanding [of them] arises (jhanasamut - pattau). Now these three are listed in Slokavarttika , codanasutra 54ab: apramanyam tridha bhinnam mithyatvajhanasamsayaih. It is true that Kumarila is basing himself on a discussion in the Sabarabhasya ad MTmamsasutra 1.1.4a (Frauwallner 1968:26), but here Pratoda’s dis- tinctive formulation echoes that of Kumarila. Other echoes of Kumarila can, I think, be discerned when Prakasa refutes vivartavada (1:44) and when the Parakhya adverts to the problem of the circularity of God and his scripture proclaiming each other (2:71c- 72b); and Mlmamsa seems even to have influenced the choice of topics: much of chapter 3 (3:23ff ) is devoted to an incongruous (for a Saiva tantra) 72 ‘The instigating cause is that which is called the ‘lord’; that which is seen [such as the stick, wheel, etc.] is the auxiliary cause; that which is the material cause is matter. This triad of causes is involved in all effects and can therefore be inferred for every effect.’ I have followed here the readings and interpretation of the tfataratnollekhinT ad Sataratnasahgraha 15 (= Parakhya 2:29); but see annotation ad loc. Introduction li discussion of whether the apauruseyatva of Vedic revelation can be proved by any of the six pramanas. We find also echoes of philosophical tags from other disciplines. A catchy half-line of the BrahmabindOpanisat is to be found in Parakhya 1:42; a much used Carvaka half- line intended to question the validity of anumana occurs as Parakhya 2:10cd (though here it appears to be used inappropriately to reject arthapatti as a pramana while retaining anu- mana); well-known Mlmamsaka tags are to be found in Parakhya 2:12 and 6:14. 73 In many passages, of course, we find what must already have been philosophical cliches by the time of the composition of the Parakhya, and so we cannot say that the texts in which they first occurred were direct sources for the redaction of the tantra: notable are the stock discussions of sphota in 6:9ff, of the connection between word and meaning (sabdartha- sambandha) in 6:17ff, of the apauruseyatva of Vedic revelation in 3:23ff, of the Carvakas in l:17ff, of ksanabhahgavada in l:28ff. Another difficulty in dating the Parakhya by attempting to identifying its literary sources and thereby to establish its position in the history of philosophy should be at least alluded to here. The Parakhya may treat some philosophical themes but it is not a work of philosophy and we cannot therefore expect it to give a well-rounded and up-to-date reflection of contemporary Indian thought in the course of defending its own theology. Vasudeva (*2000:176) has identified a Vaisesika allusion in Parakhya 14:95 whose formulation may be an echo not of the Vaisesikasutra but of Candrananda’s vrtti thereon (see fn. 836 on p. 380 below). If this is indeed an allusion to Candrananda, then this may one day be a piece of evidence that could be used further to pin down the date of composition of the Parakhya. But the period in which Candrananda wrote is not known. Isaacson (*1995:140-1) reviews the evidence adduced to date and places him between c. 600 ad (on the strength of his reference to Uddyotakara) and the tenth century (on the strength of what are probably borrowings in Helaraja’s commentary on the VakyapadTya). Among other tantras, as we have observed, the closest in style and tone appear to be the Mrgendr a, the Matahga and the South Indian Pauskara. My view that the Pauskara postdates Ramakantha I have ex- pressed before (GOODALL 1998:xliii-xlv and again GOODALL 2001a:329). 73 Other non-tantric cliches include 6:44ab, 6:47ab, 14:63cd, and 14:89a. lii Parakhyatantra Furthermore I have argued (Goodall 2001a:329-30) that for the por- tions that the Pauskara shares with the Parakhya it is the Pauskara that was the borrower; indeed it is not improbable, as I have there suggested, that the eighth chapter of the Pauskara (in which all the shared portions are to be found) is entirely an interpolation. One freshly discovered piece of evidence for its date is worth recording here, since it will be useful to us below in another context. Excursus upon the Pauskaras It may be recalled that the famous twelfth-century commentator Aghora- siva appears to be the first author to have cited a number of distinctive verses belonging to the South Indian Pauskara , but that he never gives a labelled quotation from the text (Goodall 1998:xliv, fn. 101 74 ). Aghora- siva’s not labelling these quotations, I have suggested, might be accounted for if we assumed that he was uncomfortably aware of two Pauskaras , and that his predecessors quoted from the other alone. This still seems to me a not implausible hypothesis, and indeed we find that Aghorasiva’s contemporary Jnanasambhu, a South Indian, but living in Benares (see p.cx below), does not quote from the newer Pauskara but only from the older one. One of his quotations is of especial interest in part because, unlike most other fragments of the old Pauskara that have come to light, it overlaps with a teaching found in the new Pauskara ( Jnanaratnavall , Madras GOML MS R 14466, p.254, IFP MS T.231, p.281-2): 75 74 To the list given there of unlabelled quotations from the Pauskara in the works of Aghorasiva should be added the quotation of Pauskara l:91c-92b in the Ratna- trayollekhinT ad 263-4 (also quoted without attribution by Aghorasiva’s disciple TYi- locanasiva in his Siddhantasamuccaya, IFP MS T. 284, p. 134). 75 As Brunner has indicated (1981:139-40) the first verse alone of this passage is cited, evidently from the Jnanaratnavall (since it is followed there by ityadina pra- karantaram jnanaratnavalyadau prasiddham), at the end of the Saiva section of the Sarvadarsanasahgraha (p. 189). It is also cited with attribution to the Pauskara by Ramakantha in his Sardhatrisatikalottaravrtti ad 1:3. Introduction liii tatha pauskare ca patir vidya tathavidya pasuh pasas ca kaianam tannivrttav iti proktah 76 padarthah sat samasatah 77 1 sivah sadasivas tv Tsah saha tadbhuvanadibhih jneyah patipadartho ’sau. mantramantresalaksapa 78 2 saktir 79 vidya ca bhuvanair vidyakbyas ca praklrtitah 8 mayatattvam avidyakhyah karmabhavaih sabhauvanaih 3 sarvesam atmanarp 82 ceha vijhanakalasamjhinam pralayakalasarpjhanaip 83 sakalanarp tathaiva ca 4 pasutvamalasarpyogat padarthah pasusarnjhitah prthivyadikalanto yo mayTyah pasasahgrahah 5 ^ saha sadbhutabhuvanair mayagarbhadhikaribhih 84 padarthah pasasamjiieyo 85 vijheyah sivayogibhih 6 tannivrtteh karanakhyah padarthah paramah sivah dlksakarmasvarupo ’yam muktyupayah praklrtitah 7. iti Now this is recognisably the same list of padarthas that we find in the newer Pauskara (1:8-14), but one of the accounts is plainly a reformula- tion of the other. Indeed Bhatt ( upodghata to the first volume of the Matariga, p. xlvii) refers to the existence of quotations of the first half-line supposing it to be simply a variant of l:8cd of the printed Pauskara. Its relationship with the list of the Matahga (vidyapada 2:14-21) is also un- mistakable, and we may assume that it is to be explained because all three texts (the Matahga, the printed Pauskara, and the Pauskara quoted by Jiianasambhu) see themselves as redactions of the Paramesvara division of scripture. 86 76 proktah 1 conj.; proktam R 14466; prokta T. 231 77 padarthah sat samasatah] conj. (cf. new Pauskara 1:9b); padarthah sat samanasah +(tah)+ R 14466; padartha sat samanatah T. 231 78o laksana ] conj.; °laksanah R 14466, T.231 79 saktir ] conj.; sakti R 14466, T. 231 80 praklrtitah ] conj.; praklrtitah/ saktipadarthah R 14466 saktipadarthah to be an inserted explanatory label.) 81 sabhauvanaih ] conj.; sahovanaih R 14466, T.231 82 at man am ] conj.; atmanas R 14466, T.231 83 pralayakalasamjnanam ] conj.; pralayakalasamvijnanam m ^mayagarbhadhikaribhih ] conj.; mayagavatikaribhih R 14466, T. 231 (unmetncal) 85 pasasamjneyo ] em.; pasasamjneyah R 14466, T.231 86 For what may be another such indication, see 3:56ab and the apparatus and anno- tation thereto. T.231 (I assume this R 14466, T.231 (un- liv Parakhyatantra Parallels with other Siddhantatantras Other than the verses incorporated from the Paxakhya into the eighth chapter of the Pauskara, I am not aware of shared verses between the two texts. Nor are there many padas shared between the Paxakhya and what is arguably the next closest (in spirit) of the Siddhantatantras, the Matahga, and such as there are tend to be tantric cliches ( Matahgavidya - pada 17:189d « Parakhya 2:21d, Matahgavidyapada 4:55d = Paxakhya 2:122d, Matahgavidyapada 3:20a = Parakhya 3:56a, 8 ' Matahgavidyapada 23:85b = Parakhya 5:6b, Matahgavidyapada 7:44a — Parakhya 6:27a). Although similar in their subject matter, the Parakhya and the Matahga are not particularly similar in style. The much longer Matahga tends to be more prolix, filled out with frequent vocatives and expressions whose only purpose is to pad out the verse. Observe, for instance, that there are more than a dozen half- verses in the vidyapada of the Matahga that end with na samsayah, asarnsayah or natra samsayah 88 and note the very large num- ber of padas filled out with mune or mahamune or munipuhgava. There is but a single vocative addressing Pratoda in the transmitted chapters of the Parakhya (4:166b) 89 and there are no lines ending in any of the formulae using the word samsaya. Nor are the particles tu, hi and ca used in loose profusion to fill out the verses. Another padding ploy much used in the Matahga is that of compounds ending in an otiose -atman or -antaratman 90 or simply tacking on mahatmanam or mahatmanah as an additional qualifier. 91 In the Parakhya we find comparable otiose uses of atman only in 3:63d and 15:20d, and one instance of mahatmana (in 3:60d) which might be held to be otiose or nearly so. The treatment of one particular topic, the story of the division by Ananta of mantras at creation related in Parakhya 3:57ff, may have been based on the treatment found in Matahgavidyapada 7; but it is 87 See annotation ad loc. 88 6:14d, 6:31d, 6:40, 8:45b, 10:28d, 13:29d, 15:13d, 17:62b, 24:14d, 24:34d, 26:73d. 89 See also fn. 60 on p.xl above. 90 E.g. Matahgavidyapada 1:11b, 2:10b, 4:32d, 4:41b, 7:9b, 8:68d, 11:17b, 13:32d, 17:40b, 17:47b, 17:77a, 17:90d, 17:153b, 25:58d, 26:64d, yogapada 3:1 5d, etc. 91 E.g. Matahgavidyapada 1:27b, 1:28b, 2:lld, 3:25d, 4:4b, 4:52b, 5:11b, 6:4b, 7:21d, 7:37d, 16:8d, 16:28b, 17:20d, 17:48b, 17:75b, 17:97d, 17:127b, 17:186b, 22:13d, 23:44d, 23:59d, 23:72d, 25: Id, 25:42b, 26:45d, etc. This usage is not linguistically remarkable — it is common outside tantric literature too — but it is often used here only to pad the metre. Introduction lv not impossible that both were drawing on the same source or on related sources. And it is possible that Parakhya 4:27-28b (now corrupt) and Matahgavidyapada 9:28 go back to a common source. The puzzling treat- ment of perception in Parakhya 4:32-4 contains the term dvara apparently as a term for the three internal organs, which is an oddity that I have elsewhere observed only in the Matahga (see annotation ad loc.) I have noticed three half-verses that are shared with the Svayambhuva- sutrasahgraha: l:80ab = Svayambhuvasutrasahgraha 2:13cd, 4:41ab « Svayambhuvasutrasahgraha 2:17ab, and Appendix I.G:94cd = Svayam- bhuvasutrasahgraha 10:3ab; and it seems possible to me that l:52cd is a conscious echo of Svayambhuvasutrasahgraha 2:4. A handful of cliches are shared with the Rauravasutrasahgraha: 2:92ab ~ Rauravasutrasahgraha 10:32cd; 2:121b = Rauravasutrasahgraha l:15d; 2:123ab ~ Rauravasutra- sahgraha l:14ab and 2:12ab; 5:144d = Rauravasutrasahgraha 3:13b (as transmitted in M v ). The only substantial passage that is almost certainly based on a par- ticular Siddhantatantra that I have been able to identify is in the con- cluding portion of Parakhya 4 (4:151ff). Here numerous verses echo in their formulation the treatment of the same ideas in the Kirana. The Kirana’s treatment is distinctive and the Parakhya’s reformulation would be extremely difficult to interpret without the Kirana’s account to lay beside it. Parakhya 2:102-4 may be a reformulation of Kirana 5:3-6b, but a rather distant one. Another echo, of Kirana 6:1-4, is discernible in verses attributed to the Parakhya in the Mrgendrapaddhatitlka Ap- pendix I, C:50-l. But in this case this could equally be an echo of a pair of verses ascribed to the Raurava which Vaktrasambhu quotes in the same context. 92 The Mrgendra (in vidyapada 2:12-14) and the Parakhya (in 1:42-50) appear to be the only early Siddhantas to devote attention to the refu- 92 The quotation, on p. 189 of IFP MS T. 1021, is as follows: srTmadraurave ’ pi na sarTrasya samskaro n a samyogavibhagayoh na cotpattivinasabhyam napi jater vidhTyate cetanasyapi suddhasya ksetrajnasya sarTrinah jnasvabhavatmano 'kartus tasya samskara isyate. The last line is corrected to the reading in Kiranavrtti 1:23.12-13, where the second of these verses is quoted (with attribution to the Raurava) by Ramakantha. In T. 1021 it reads jnubhatmano kartumsta samskara isyate. lvi Parakhyatantra tation of a philosophical Vedanta . 93 I have presented and discussed both passages elsewhere (GOODALL forthcoming A), and suggested tentatively that, since the undated early Saiddhantika writer Sadyojyotis appears to have been aware only of a Vedantic parinamavada 94 it is conceivable that 93 The Sarvajnanottara, as is well known (see, e.g., SANDERSON 1992:291), is excep- tional among the early Siddhantas for upholding rather than refuting a non-dualist position, but its non-dualism does not seem to me to be distinctively Vedantic. In his (in almost every other detail inaccurate) preface to the Adyar edition, KUNJUNNI Raja helpfully points out (p. vi) what is likely to be an instance of borrowing from what is usually accepted to be a Vedantic source. Sarvajnanottara 111-12 (Tanjore edition [E r ]; 2:51-2 in Devakottai edition [E D ]; 99-100 in Adyar edition [E* *]; Nepalese MS f. 52 r , lines 4-5 [Nj]; IFP MS 47818, p.44) read as follows: ghatasamvrtam akasam myamane yatha ghate ghato nTyati nakasam tadvaj jTvo nabhopamah bhinne kumbhe yathakasam akasatvam prapadyate vibhinne prakrte dehe tathatma paramatmani. • ghatasamvrtam akasam ] 47818 E T ; ghatasamvrtam akasam Ni; ghatasamvrta akaso E D E* • nTyati nakasam ] Nr, nayati nakasam 47818; nlyeta nakasam Et; nlyata nakasah E D ; nlyeta nakasah E* • nabhopamah ] 47818 E T E D E>t; nabhopaina Ni • bhinne kumbhe yathakasam ] 47818 E r ; bhinnakumbhayathakasam N x ; bhinne kumbhe yathakasah E D ; chinne kumbhe yathakasah E A [There are three aisa usages here: akasa is treated as a neuter noun, nabhas as an -a stem, and Ni’s nTyati is a passive with the final vowel changed from an e to give the regular cadence of the pathya.] Compare these verses with those of Gaudapada’s Agamasastra , which might have in- spired them ( Mandukyakarika 3:3-4): atma hy akasavaj jTvair ghatakasair ivoditah ghatadivac ca samghatair jatav etan nidarsanam gbatadisu prallnesu ghatakasadayo yatha akase sampralTyante tadvaj jlva ihatmani. In Bhattacharya’s edition (p. 50) he quotes the first of our verses (in the form given by E t ) as being verse 3 of the Tripuratapanyupanisat. It occurs also (with some variation) as 32:62c-63b of the NiSvasakarika, IFP MSS T. 17, p. 232 and T. 127, p. 286. But the source on which the Sarvajnanottara (and the Nisvasakarika) drew may not have been a Vedantic one. Lindtner (1989:vi[a], referring to Qvarnstrom 1989:109) mentions that the ghatakasadrstanta can in fact be traced back further, to the Buddhist Aryasatyadvayavatarasutra. 94 First noted by Sanderson (1985a:210, note 41), who formulated the observation cautiously, speaking only of Sadyojyotis’s ‘emphasis on transformation ism’ in the Para- moksanirasakarika being something that ‘suggests his relative antiquity’. Introduction lvii both the Parakhya and the Mrgendr a post-date him. 9 ° This now seems to me to have been premature, for I was assuming that in both tantras a developed Vedantic vivartavada was what was being discussed, and this is not actually clear in the case of the Mrgendr a , which makes essentially three claims about the non-dualism that it attacks that need not entail that that non-dualism is a form of vivartavada. The claims are: that non-dualism is devoid of external proof, that, since there is only one soul, experience must be unitary, and that, given this view, true liberation 95 I did not in that article discuss the evident influence of Vedanta upon the Pauskara on the grounds that that text did not belong to the ‘early’ canon, which is to say the group of tantras known to the Kashmirian tenth-century exegetes. It is worth just remarking in passing that that text’s response to Vedantic ideas is more detailed and more sophisticated than that of either the Mrgendra or the Parakhya. Particularly noteworthy in this regard is its discussion beginning with 3:11: prapahco ’ yam pramatradibhedatma naksagocarah yatah pratyaksam arthanam vidhatr n a nisedhakam. The verse is surely an allusion to Mandanamisra’s Brahmasiddhi , the Tarkakanda of which famously begins: a hur vidhatr pratyaksam na nisedhr vipascitah. This heightened awareness of Vedantic ideas (which we find addressed elsewhere in the text too, for instance in 4:74ff) is exactly what we would expect to find in the Pauskara when we recall that the evidence of quotations (which are to be found in the works of authors from the Tamil-speaking South from the middle of the twelfth century onwards) and of the distribution of manuscripts that transmit the woik (all Southern) unequivocally suggests that it post-dated Ramakantha and belonged to a South Indian milieu. 96 Mrgendravidyapada 2:12-14: vedantesv eka evatma cidacidvyaktilaksitah pratijhamatram evedam niscayah kimnibandhanah atha pramanam tatratma prameyatvam prapadyate yatraitad ubhayam tatra catustayam a pi sthitam advaitahanir evam syan nispramanakatanyatha bhogasamyavimoksau ca yau nest av atmavadibhih. ‘In the sastras of the Vedanta there is only one soul, known through its manifestations, which are sentient and insentient. This is no more than mere assertion. What is the basis of this certainty? If you say that there is some valid means of knowing it [viz. scripture], then the soul must be the object of the valid knowledge. If you accept this pair [of means of knowing and object of knowledge], then all four [i.e. pramana, prameya , pramatr, and pramifci] are proven to exist. [And] thus that would be the end of non-dualism; either that, or it must be without valid means of knowledge. And there would also result [the faults] that all must share the same experience and that liberation would be impossible, both which faults are not accepted by any who maintain the existence of the soul.’ lviii Parakhyatan tra must be impossible. In the case of the Parakhya, however, I think it is some form of vivartavada that is attacked, but the attack itself does not help me to determine more precisely what form of Vedanta might be tar- geted and it is furthermore reminiscent of a passage in the Slokavarttika (see 1:44 and annotation ad loc.), which means that this passage may after all not have as much bearing on the dating of the Parakhya a s I had supposed. Nevertheless, it seems to me probable that the Parakhya is among the latest (if not itself the latest) of the demonstrably early (i.e. pre-tenth- century because known to the Kashmirian commentators of the lineage of Ramakantha II) listed Siddhantas to survive. The earliest quotations from the Parakhya are probably those of Narayanakantha, whom we may date (very approximately) to c. 925- 975 on the basis of the tentative dating of his son Ramakantha II to c. 950-1000 (for which see GOODALL 1998:xiii— xviii, quoting evidence given by Brunner, Sanderson and Torella), and thus it must have been written before the tenth century. Sanderson (2002:5-6, fn. 3) has pointed out that it is conceivable that the Parakhya was alluded to in c. 830 AD in Ratnakara’s Haravijaya, in verses 6:79-170 of which the seasons praise Siva in the terms of Saiddhantikas. In 6:147 an allusion is made to five padarthas , which the commentator Alaka elucidates by quoting Rauravasutrasahgraha 4:48; but, as Sanderson observes, the other sur- viving early Siddhanta that has five padarthas is the Parakhya (see 1:5), and the possibility cannot be excluded that it was the Parakhya that Ratnakara had in mind. We may conclude that the Parakhya may have been composed in the eighth or ninth century AD. The lost commentary A handful of references and two quotations inform us that there was an ancient commentary on the Parakhya. About the author of that com- mentary we know only that he predated Aghorasiva, who flourished in the middle of the twelfth century (see Goodall 1998:xiii-xvii, fn. 24 ). Evidence of first-hand knowledge of the commentary is found only in the works of Aghorasiva and of Aghorasiva’s immediate disciples Vaktra- Introduction lix sambhu and Trilocanasiva 97 (the only later quotations I am aware of are quotations of the same portions to which Aghorasiva and his disciples refer). The largest fragment quoted is a discussion of the sambandhas, a classification of types of transmission of a scripture in accordance with the rank of its transmitters. The theme is alluded to at the beginning of Parakhya 3, on which this may therefore be commentary, but it may have belonged to a sequence of opening verses ( Kriyakramadyotika p.4): 98 . . . tatra pare Tsadayah, apare devamuniprabhrtayah, parapare anantadayah. tatha samakhyatam srlmatparakhyavrttau guravo bahavas tv atra paraparavibhedatah codakadivibhedena tatha gurvadibhedatah Isah sadasivah santo guravah parama matah ekam eva param tattvam svecchaya tu tridha sthi- t am anantah srlgaias coma skando visnur vidhis tu sat parapare ’pare dev a munayo nrguruttamah. I The Parakhya's transmitters fall into the last and lowest group. For the only other quotation known to me attributed to the commentary on the Parakhya see Appendix I.L:130 and its context. Vaktrasambhu actually does not quote from the commentary on the Parakhya , but includes it, as Professor SANDERSON has pointed out to me, in an interesting list of tantras on which there axe commentaries, then of uncommented tantras, then of paddhatis (IFP MS T. 1021, p. Ill): a pi ca sadyojyotihprabhrtibhir 99 mahadbhir acaryair vya- khyates u srhn adrauravasvayam bhu vamrgen drakiran apara- 97 For evidence of these both being Aghora&va’s immediate disciples see Goodall 2000:208-11. I there referred to Vaktrasambhu with the name Natesaguru, but, as Professor Alexis Sanderson has pointed out to me (letter of 23.V.2002), because of the fragmentary transmission of the concluding verses it is not certain whether this is a name or part of an epithet. Vaktrasambhu, however, a synonym of Tatpurusasiva, was evidently his initiatory name. We could therefore call him Tatpurusasiva (after all, Aghorasiva sometimes gives his own name in the less common variant form Bahurupa- sambhu: see Goodall 1998:xv), but I have chosen to retain the only form in which the name is attested. 98 The quoted block of verses appears, shortened and rearranged, as 3:69-70 of the SaivagamaparibhasanianjarT (see Dagens’ 1979:117, note 169). "sadyojyotih 0 ] em.; sadyojyoti 0 T. 1021. Parakhyatantra lx khyamatahgasuksmasvayambhuvadvisatisardhatrisaticatuh - satikasarvajnanottaramohasurottaresu, avyakrtesu 100 srima- ttrayodasasatikanisvasadisu, snmatsomasambhubrahmasa- mbhubhojarajavarunasivadyair 101 viracitesu paddhatisu ca , tattadvyakhyanesu ca . . . 102 As an aside it is perhaps worth spelling out to which commentaries on tantras he alludes. On the Raurava they are presumably Sadyo- jyotis’s Rauravavrttis , that is to say the Bhogakarika, Moksakarika, and Paramoksanirasakarika , Sadyojyotis’s lost Saivagamapramanya and lost commentary on the Mudraprakarana , 103 as well as the anonymous lost Rauravavarttika (if it was still known in twelfth-century South India), which was probably a work of Brhaspatipada . 104 On the Svayainbhuva- sutrasahgraha they are the Svayambhuvavrtti and the Tattvatrayanir- 100 avyakrtesu ] conj. SANDERSON; vivyakrtesu T. 1021. 101 °bhojarajavaruna° ] conj. Sanderson; °bhojarajarvaruna° T. 1021. 102 ca ] conj.; om. T. 1021. 103 For a reasoned account of what lies behind this assumption see Goodall 1998:xx- xxvi. I there argued (p. xxv and fn. 57) that the lost Mantravarttika of Sadyojyotis might have formed part of this body of exegetical works on the Rauravasutrasahgraha on the basis of a quotation of a verse and a half in Vidyakantha II’s Bhavacudamani prefaced with the attribution uktam ca rurusamhitamantravarttike. I had failed to notice that the quoted unit is in fact to be found in the Rauravasutrasahgraha itself as verses 6-7b of what the edition calls the tenth chapter. Presumably the label is appropriate because that particular chapter of the Rauravasutrasangraha is in part a commentary on the VYOMAVYAPIN mantra. There is thus in fact no strong evidence that the Mantravarttika was part of a commentary on the Rauravasutrasangraha, but we may recall that Ramakantha may be implying it to have been a continuation of the Paramoksanirasakarika in his Paramoksanirasakarikavrtti ad verse 3 (Goodall 1998:xxvi). 104 This is the plausible suggestion of DvivedI (1983:70 and 63), for which the principal evidence is the identifications offered by Jayaratha of two allusions in the Tantraloka. 1. ) The label ity etad gurubhir gTtam s'rTmadrauravasasane that appears in Tantraloka 8:101cd is identified by Jayaratha as referring to a work of Brhaspatipada. 2. ) In Tantraloka 8:345ab we read: uktam ca gurubhir ittham sivatanvadyesu 6asanesv etat. Jayaratha’s Tantralokaviveka thereon reads adisabdad ruruvarttikadi ; tad evaha. There then follow a series of verses of the Tantraloka in arya (8:345c-355b) which we may assume to be a quotation from the Sivatanusastra. Briefly, these outline a notion of mahapralaya in which the Vidye^varas attain liberation one after the other. This is contrasted with the position of the Rauravasutrasahgraha, for Jayaratha quotes (in the Tantralokaviveka ad 8:345c-353b) a verse that the editors of the Rauravasutrasah- graha conjecture may have belonged in between Rauravasutrasahgraha 4:21 and 4:22, although it is in fact Rauravasutrasahgraha 2:13 in the form in which it appears in MS B 776, the apograph of M v : Introduction lxi naya of Sadyojyotis with their subcommentaries, the lost Svayambhuva- vrttitippanaka of Narayanakantha , 105 and the Tattvatrayanirnayavrtti of Aghorasiva, as well as the lost Svayambhuvoddyota of Ramakantha. But it is possible that those particular commentarial works of Narayana- kantha and Ramakantha were not accessible to Vaktrasambhu (I know of no South Indian allusions to them), and Ramakantha’s Tattvatraya- nirnayavivrti I do not include here because I assume that Vaktrasambhu did not know of it, since his guru Aghorasiva evidently did not . 106 For the Mrgendra, aside from the well known Mrgendravrtti and Mrgendra- vrttidlpika, we may count the Mrgendrapaddhati of Aghorasiva , 107 on which Vaktrasambhu’s work is a commentary. On the Kirana we may as- sume that Vaktrasambhu knew Ramakantha’s Kiranavrtti, but he quotes also from another vrtti which he attributes to a certain Bhutikantha anantoparame tesarp mahatam cakravartinam vihitani sarvakartrtvam karanam par am am padam. This is interpreted to refer to the simultaneous liberation in mahapralaya of all the Vidyesvaras. Returning to Tantraloka 8:345ab and Jayaratha’s remark thereon, it seems possible that it is to be interpreted as follows: ‘And this has been taught as follows by a venerable teacher in the Sivatanusastra and in others [of his works] Jayaratha’s remark then might be identifying the Rauravavarttika as another of Brhas- patipada’s works. This hypothesis receives support from two parallel discussions of which DvivedI was unaware in 1983. The first is in Ramakantha’s commentary on the Tattvatrayanirnaya (hitherto unmentioned, as far as I am aware, in the secondary literature), the Tattvatrayanirnayavivrti , to the sole surviving MS of which Dr. Kei KATAOKA has kindly drawn my attention. Here (f. 107 r ) Ramakantha distinguishes the two views as being those of, among others, the author of the Rauravavarttika (kais cid rauravavarttikakaradibhih. . . ) and that of Sadyojyotis: tat tv ayuktam, yugapan- muktisruter iti darsitam rauravavrttau guruna. proktam hi raurave. . . [there follows a quotation of 2:13, the same verse as Jayaratha quotes]. The passage of the Rauravavrtti to which Ramakantha here refers is probably Moksakarika 93: arm rudras tu suksmadya mantras c a sivatulyatam sanantah svadhikarante yanti muktim barer ana t. In the commentary thereon we find the second passage that supports DvivedFs hy- pothesis, a quotation of three half-lines from the passage of the Rauravavarttika to which Jayaratha must have been referring in his Tantralokaviveka ad 8:345ab. 105 See Goodall 1998:x. 106 Aghorasiva, who elsewhere follows Ramakantha so closely, makes no reference to the work, not even in his own Tattvatrayanirnayavrtti , comments on readings of a number of the verses of the text that are different from those commented upon by Ramakantha and differs in his interpretations. 107 See Goodall 2000:209-10 for a brief treatment of the question of the authorship of this text. lxii Parakhyatan tra (IFP MS T. 1021, pp. 208-9). This might be the same work as the Brhatkiranoddyota referred to by Jnanasambhu, one of the gurus of his contemporary and co-pupil Trilocanasiva ( Jnanaratnavall , Madras GOML MS R 14898, pp. 44 and 186) and quoted in the Atmarthapujapaddhati (IFP MSS T. 795, p. 78, T. 323, p. 125, T. 321, p. 127, and T. 282, p. 116). On the Matahga Vaktrasambhu may have known only the Matangavrtti of Ramakantha, for I know of no references to the lost commentary of Vyakhyaniguru other than that in Sivadrsti 3:14. We have no evidence for the authorship of the lost commentaries on the Parakhya and the Suksmasvayambhuva (see fn. 50 on p.xxxvi above). Commentaries by Aghorasiva survive on the Dvisatikalottara and the Sarvajnanottara (the Dvisatikalottaravrtti and the Sarvajnanottaravrtti ), and we know from Vaktrasambhu’s opening verses 108 that Aghorasiva composed a commentary (now lost) on the Catuhsatikakalottara (referred to by Vaktrasambhu above as the Catuhsatika ), and from the same verses, as well as from one of Aghorasiva’s concluding verses to his Dvisati- kalottaravrtti , 109 that he composed another now lost commentary on the Mohacudottara. Vaktrasambhu may also have been aware of an older, lost commentary on the Sarvajnanottara from which Ramakantha quotes in his Sardhatrisatikalottaravrtti ad 22:8-9b. A resume of the text Verse 1:5 provides a programme for the treatment of topics in the tantra. Thereafter the first chapter discusses the soul, refuting conceptions of other schools, notably that of Bauddhas and, exceptionally, of Advaita. Chapters 2 and 3 deal with the Lord and with the upper reaches of the universe comprehended within vidya. Chapters 4 and 5 present the evo- lution of maya and the cosmos within it. Chapter 6 discusses nada at some length. Chapters 7-13 have not been transmitted, and it is clear that these, at least in part, related to ritual prescriptions and the like: as we have observed above (p.xli), we can assume this to have been so on the basis of 6:81. 110 Chapter 14 discusses yoga, and finally chapter 15 investigates the role of the four ‘ sadhanas ’ of jhana, kriya, carya and 108 These are quoted by Goodall 2000:210, fn. 18. 109 Quoted by Goodall 1998:xv, fn. 24. 110 The scribe of M Y has copied almost exclusively what relates to doctrine and to yoga: see p. xcvii below. Introduction lxiii yoga vis a vis dTksa. As I have argued elsewhere (Goodall 1998:lxiv- lxv), it is not clear whether or not the Parakhya was divided into sections of text named after these padas. It seems unlikely, for the final colophon does not mention a pada to which the final chapter belongs, not does it plainly fit any one of them. But as I have there pointed out, the frag- mentary penultimate verse of chapter 6 (6:81) shows that the author of the Parakhya either recognised the word pada to refer to such divisions of a text (and not just, as in other early sources, to four basic topics with which a tantra deals) or used it unselfconsciously in a way that allowed it to be so interpreted. Brunner (1992a) has demonstrated that the divi- sion of Saiddhantika scriptures into four parts bearing the names of these padas is neither common nor early; but it is clear that the terminology itself— as the Parakhya and the Kirana (e.g. in 1:13), as well as other non-Saiddhantika works, tell us is early. Chapter 1. The soul Pratoda sees PrakaSa in an airama on the Ganges and asks for teaching, which Prakasa, after venerating Siva, begins to give (1-2). The tantra is described. Its five topics (padarthas) of the bound soul (pa^u), the Lord (Fivara), scripture/knowledge (vidya), the womb (yoni), and liberation (mukti) are listed (3-5) and then briefly characterised (6- 10 ). A (transmissionally corrupt) discussion of techniques of exegesis follows (11-14). Verse 15 gives a list of attributes of the soul, and this serves as an agenda for the remainder of the first chapter. 112 Pratoda advances the materialist Carvaka’s refutation of the existence of the soul (16-17 and 21), which Prakasa refutes (18-20 and 22-7). Pratoda attacks the notion of the self from a Buddhist position that all things are momentary (28 and 30); Prakasa refutes this on the basis of the evidence of memory (29 and 31-5). The all-pervasiveness of the soul is attacked and then defended (36-9). Vedantic non-dualism is advanced (40, 42, and 45) and rejected (42, 43-4, 46-50). 111 For further details see GOODALL 1998:lviii-lxv and 182-4, fn. 69. 112 See fn. 21 on p. 143 below. lxiv Parakhyatantra Pratoda advances the position that the soul should be free of defilements (51), which Prakasa answers with a demonstration of the logical need for a category of innate impurity (mala), distinct from passion (raga) or from the retributive force of past actions ( karman ) (52-60). Pratoda advances the view that the soul is essentially insentient, but has awareness when linked with a body and senses (61), and this Prakasa counters with the position that the stimulus provided by the body and instruments of the senses only works because of the power of sentiency that belongs to the soul (62-71). Pratoda questions the view that karman is the cause of the diversity of the universe (72) and Prakasa refutes it (74-80). Pratoda argues that agency belongs to the body rather than to the soul (81 and 85) and Prakasa responds by defending the position that the soul is responsible for his karman (82-92) and that the Lord ensures that the proper karman is linked to each soul (93-4). Summary verse (95). Chapter 2. The Lord This begins with a list of attributes of the Lord that gives us an agenda for the chapter (1). That the universe is really an effect, of which the Lord is a cause, is called into question and defended (2-11). In the course of this defence, circumstantial inference ( arthapatti ) appears to be rejected, or rejected as an independent means of knowledge (9-10). The Mlmamsaka position that the universe was never not as it now is is advanced, and it is mooted that karman might be the cause of the universe (12). Prakasa responds to both arguments (13-14 and 15-19), insisting that a sentient cause is required and that karman is not sentient. Pratoda poses the Buddhist dilemma that the activity of creation can neither have taken place all at a single moment nor gradually (20-1). Prakasa’s reply reiterates the inescapability of the existence of causes for the production of effects, asserts that the Lord’s activity of creation is both simultaneous and gradual, and states that all effects are produced by a combination of causes of three types: instigating causes, material causes, auxiliary causes (22-30). Introduction lxv The possibility of producing effects without resort to instruments is ques- tioned (31) and justified by comparison with the sun and moon (32-4). The Lord’s power of action is said to be his ‘instrument’ and this, although one, is known by many names, in accordance with the functions it performs (35-42). Nine powers ( saktis ) whose names are drawn from the Vedic VAMADEVA mantra are enumerated, together with the form of the Lord by whom they are controlled, and affective etymologies (nirvacana) of their names are given (43-61). The Lord is omniscient because he creates everything (62-65b). The ‘supportlessness’ of His power of knowledge does not prevent its oper- ation, just as the supportlessness of wind does not prevent it from shaking branches (65c-67b). Just so is the soul’s condition in liberation, as is taught in the last part of the Veda (vedanta): consciousness characterised by powers of knowledge and action (67c-71b). There is no fault of circularity in scripture being that which teaches us about the Lord and the Lord being the one who teaches us scripture (71c- 73). What is revealed by one means of knowledge ( pramana ) does not need to be revealed by another (74-75b). One cannot argue for the non-existence of something on the grounds that one does not perceive it by direct perception ( pratyaksa ) (75c-76). The Lord’s existence is thus proved; conventional usage ( rudhi ) determines that the name Isvara designates him (77-82). His body is made up of the five Vedic brahmamantras (83-85b). Isvara’s being sakala (equipped with powers/divisions) is not to be un- derstood in the same way as the bound soul’s being sakala (linked to the evolutes of primal matter); without His form He could not be worshipped and so liberation could not be attained (85c-88). Affective etymologies ( nirvacana ) are given of the names of each of the brahmamantras (89-95b). The supreme Siva is the same as the Lord who resides in a body; the Lord is both sa-kala and niskala (transcendent /devoid of divisions); He is the cause of creation, maintenance, destruction and grace (96-7). When He is sa-kala , He is called ‘engaged in office’ ( adhikarin ); he teaches the Rudras and others their duties; but the categorisation of the lxvi Parakhyatantra Lord as ‘engaged in office’ ( adhikarin ), ‘engaged in experience/enjoyment’ ( bhogin ), and ‘in resorption’ (lay in) is not ultimately real (98-99b). Siva’s bestowing His grace depends on the transmission of His scripture (sastra) from acarya to pupil (99c-101b). A descent of divine power ( gaktipata ) comes upon a person, who then seeks a guru; this comes about as a result of the person’s suitability and not because of diva’s being partial (101c-113). It is for the sake of bestowing grace that Siva sets creation from primal matter (maya) in motion; for this He awakens the mantras and the eight officiants known as Vidyesvaras (114-17). The Vidyesvaras’ names are given and analysed by nirvacana ; themselves free from the stain of primal matter (maya), they administer the lower universe (118-121). They are equal in power of action to the Lord, but they are subject to Him and perform their duties according to His bidding, these being the five cosmic functions (pancakrtya) of creation, maintenance, destruction, grace and occlusion (122-4). Pratoda asks what need there is of these functionaries if Siva is creator and whether it is right to speak of diva’s power if it is they who perform these duties (125). Pratoda responds that it would tarnish Siva’s glory if He were to act Himself, hence the others are employed (126-128d). The discussion of the Lord ( Ttfvaratattva ) is thus concluded and reference is made to the subject of the next chapter (128e-129). Chapter 3. Scripture and the pure universe The opening verse giving the agenda defines vidya as scripture, under which head it promises a discussion of the transmission and the authori- tativeness of scripture, and mantras (1). Siva ‘awakens’ Ananta and the other Vidyesvaras at the beginning of cre- ation; these in turn ‘awaken’ Gauta and others, who in turn ‘awaken’ Bhava and others, and knowledge then passes to VTrabhadra, Ume£ana, the gods, sages (2-6). Pratoda questions how the formless supreme Siva can create scripture and why it is necessary that he should if Ananta and others are ‘awakeners’ (7-8). Introduction lxvii Prakasa’ s response (9-21) mentions the condensed redactions of knowledge that are known in this world (15-16) and gives an affective etymology (nirvacana) of the word vaktra, ‘mouth’, from which knowledge issues (17-18). Pratoda takes the position of a Mimamsaka, questioning the authorita- tiveness of 6aiva scripture on the grounds that it is authored (pauruseya) and asserting that the Veda is authoritative on the grounds that it is without author (apauruseya) (22). Prakasa takes each of the six valid means of knowledge accepted by Mlmamsakas and shows that none of them proves the Veda to be au- thorless (23-37). Pratoda’s question in response appears to allude to Kumarila’s three cri- teria for non-authoritativeness, asserting that none of them applies to the Veda (38-9). Prakasa replies that one of them, doubt, is applicable; he then questions the Mimamsaka notion that a means of knowledge is authoritative of itself ( svatahpramanya ), and asserts that the use of language, like the use of a lamp, depends upon an agent (40-5). The passage that follows, which is unfortunately corrupt and badly dam- aged, treats of the authoritativeness of Saiva revelation, which in spite of differences within it, all derives ultimately from Siva (46-56). The genesis of the seven crores of mantras, their sense of revulsion towards the created universe and their division by Ananta into two equal groups (of officiants and of fully liberated souls) is related (57-72). Prakasa gives an account of which of the principal mantras arise out of which parts of Siva’s ‘body’ (73-7). A nirvacana of vidya. in the sense of mantra is given (78) and the final verse sums up the topic of mantras and refers forward to the topic of the following chapter: ‘the womb’ (yoni) (79). Chapter 4. The evolutes of primal matter The opening verse gives a list of epithets of primal matter (may a) that are justified in the course of the discussion of the chapter: subtle, perduring, formless, all-pervading, the abode of sentient entities, shaken by the Lord, producing the effects that are the constitutive principles ( tattva ) of the universe of our experience, ranging from that of limited power to act (kala) lxviii Parakhyatantra to earth/ 13 etc. (1-2). Pratoda questions whether primal matter (maya) is the material cause of the universe and observes that it is beyond our senses (3). Prakasa lists factors that prevent our perceiving entities that exist and concludes that maya’s extreme subtlety prevents us from perceiving it but that it is known from scripture and reasoning (4-7). He lists the tattvas, starting from the bottom (8-10), and argues for the ne- cessity of there being a perduring material cause that produced them, con- cluding that scripture teaches us that that cause is primal matter (maya) (11-16). It is all-pervading, formless and the cause from which effects proceed and into which they are resorbed (17-20b). A class of inert souls known as Pralayakalas are trapped in it in phases of resorption of the universe, and for their embodiment the Lord stimulates primal matter (maya) into action to produce her effects (20c-23). The first of these is the principle of limited power to act (kala), which effects a partial revelation of the soul’s power of consciousness (24-9). From this evolves the principle of limited power to know (vidya), the necessity of which is justified by way of a discussion of the process of perception involving the sense faculties (indriyas) thought sufficient for the process by Sankhya thinkers (30-6). The tattva of passion (raga) is added as the third of the three central cuirasses (kancukas), it is distinguished from the disposition of the intellect (buddhi) known as ‘lack of dispassion’ ( avairagya ), and it is explained to have a positive and a negative form (raga and viraga), the latter being distinguished from true dispassion, which is the absence of both (37-44). To these are added the cuirasses (kaficukas) of time (45-50) and binding fate ( niyati ), which ensure that the results of a particular soul’s past actions accrue to that same soul (51). The existence of binding fate ( niyati ) is questioned on the grounds that its function could be performed by karman itself (52), and then reasserted (53-4). Its power acts upon the tattva of the person (purusa-tattva) , which is located above secondary matter (prakrfci) 114 and which is the locus of the 113 That is to say the five-fold cuirass (kancuka) that equips the bound soul for em- bodiment in the worlds in maya, followed by the twenty-five tattvas of the Sankhyas. 1 14 The translation is not ideal: historically it is the material cause of Sankhya thinkers, Introduction lxix group of eight worlds called the yogastaka (55-7). From the principle of limited power to act (kala) evolves secondary matter ( prakrti ); etymologies are offered of its names (58-60). Pratoda asks about the need for postulating kala and the other tattvas above secondary matter (prakrti), since the effects of prakrti would be enough to account for bondage (61). Prakasa responds with arguments for prakrti being an effect and therefore depending on a cause (62-6). The Lord links souls to these effects (67-8). The tattva of the three constitutive strands of existence (viz. the gunas of rajas, sattva and tamas) evolves from secondary matter (avyakta: the unmanifest), its existence as a tattva is defended and its functions are touched upon (69-73). From this evolves the intellect ( buddhi ), which has the eight properties of rectitude ( dharma ), knowledge (jhana), dispassion (vairagya), control (ais'varya) and the opposites of these; the predominance of one or other of these is due to the predominance or otherwise of certain of the gunas (74-5). The ten moral injunctions and restrictions (yamas and niyamas ) are enu- merated (without these labels) as proceeding from rectitude (dharma) (76—8). Knowledge (jhana ), which proceeds from different causes and applies to different domains (adhyatma, adhibhuta and adhidaiva), gives rise to dis- passion (vairagya), which in turn motivates a man to engage in yoga and to win thereby the eight yogic powers of being able to render oneself minute ( animan ), etc. (79-83). The results of a preponderance of the guna of darkness/occlusion (rajas) and therefore of non- rectitude ( adharma ) are touched upon (84-6), then of lack of dispassion (anaisvarya) (87-9). The last verse of Prakasa’s speech mentions that the intellect (buddhi) is responsible for determinative thought (adhyavasaya) (90). Pratoda suggests that the soul must be insentient if all these properties reside really in the intellect (buddhi) (91). Prakasa explains that they are figuratively described as properties of the buddhi and that the buddhi enables perception in that it takes on the which is arguably rendered functionless by the Saiva addition of primal matter (maya) at a higher level of the universe. lxx Parakhyatantra form of external objects (92-3). The tattva of self-appropriation (ahahkara) arises from the intellect ( bud - dhi). It is of three kinds: Taijasa, Vaikrta and Bhutadi. The first gives rise to the five faculties of sense, the second to the five of action and the third to the five subtle elements (94-6b). The function of each faculty is presented (96c-106b). The subtle elements (of hearing, touch, sight, taste, and smell) that have arisen from Bhutadi give rise to the five gross elements (106c-108). Ether is characterised (109-1 14b). Air, including the vital breaths, is characterised (114— 117b). Fire and its places in the body are treated (118-20). Water and earth and their functions in the body are treated (121-2). A summary is given of this creation from the principle of self-appropriation (ahahkara), in the course of which it is mentioned that the mind (manas) belongs to both the Taijasa and Vaikrta groups (123-8). Pratoda suggests that the gross elements might be the fundamental causes rather than the grossest effects and questions the position that the faculties arise from ahahkara (129). Prakasa refutes this objection and demonstrates the involvement of ahah- kara in the use of each of the faculties (130-3). Pratoda asserts that the material cause should inhere in its effects like threads in a cloth (134). Prakasa responds by asserting that primal matter (maya) is a subtle, partless cause that does not inhere in its effects. He counters the possible objection that this subtle power that is maya is unknowable by assert- ing that it is inferred from its effects much in the way that the atoms postulated by Naiyayikas are (135-8). A Buddhist objection is raised and refuted to the effect that the existence of the external object cannot be known independently from the knowledge of the external object and that therefore one need not posit the existence of anything other than that knowledge (139-48). In the remainder of the chapter the collection of effects of primal matter (maya) is said to make up the subtle transmigratory body (149-51); the shaking of maya (to generate creation) is said to be partial, not total, since this would otherwise destroy her (152-3); maya is the locus of great variety and of deluded souls (154-7). Introduction lxxi Pratoda asks whether innate impurity (maia) is primal matter (maya), or an effect thereof, or a property of the soul (158). Prakasa rejects each suggestion, explaining that it enjoys vicariously a place on the ladder of constitutive principles of the universe (tattva) in that it is inseparable from the bound soul (who occupies the position of purusatattva: see 55-7 above) (159-165b). Separation from innate impurity (mala) is impossible, but its power is blocked and thereby the soul realises his Siva-hood; all this is possible when he has been connected to the evolutes of primal matter (maya) (165c-170). Conclusion, at the end of which the worlds, which are the subject of the following chapter, are mentioned (171-2). Chapter 5. The cosmos The contents of the chapter are listed (1). The thickness of the shell of the cosmic egg in the tattva of earth ( brahmanda ) is said to be ten thousand yojanas, and the yojana is defined (2-4). Kalagnirudra and his world are located a hundred crores of yojanas above the shell at the base (5-10). Above that are the hells; thirty-two (groups of?) hells are named and aetiologies for their names are given (1 1— 32b). Altogether they are said to be 140 115 and their measurements are given (32c-34b). Ninety lakh yojanas above them is the world of Kusmanda, who presides over the hells (34c-40b). Nine lakh yojanas above that are the seven subterranean paradises (pataJas), which are listed, given etymologies (nirv acanas) and assigned each a Daitya, a Naga and a Raksasa, presumably to serve as regents for the three parts into which each is divided (40c-52). Above these is the world of Hataka, who presides over them (53-60). And above that is our world bhiih, whose seven continents and seven oceans are listed (61 -63b). ns The number could be interpreted otherwise; though not explicit on the point, the text appears to be following the model according to which the first twenty-nine hells are fourfold and the last three eightfold. lxxii Parakhyatantra Among these continents, JambudvTpa’s central mountain Meru, its nine divisions, which are bounded by mountains, are described and their names explained with aetiological myths (63c-93). The surrounding concentric bands of oceans and continents are described and their names analysed, until we reach the ring-shaped boundary that is the Lokaloka mountain (94-1 09b). Beyond that is the ocean called Garbhoda, then darkness, then the shell of the cosmic egg ( brahmanda ) (109c-lllb). The overall dimensions of this world are given and it is stated that only here is the accumulation of past action ( karman ) possible (lllc-113). Above it is the world known as Bhuvarloka, in which are the sun and the planets of the weekdays and the planets Rahu and Ketu; above these the stars, the seven rsis, and the pole star (114-29). Above are the worlds of Svarloka, Maharloka, Janaloka, Tapoloka, and Satyaloka, where Brahma resides (130-1 38b). Four crores above him is Visnu and six crores above him is Sankara, and above him the shell of the cosmic egg ( brahmanda ) (138c-140). Ten Rudras who bear the brahmanda are listed (141-4). There follows a list of the Rudras who rule over each of the tattvas from that of water up to that of primal matter (maya) (145-1 55b). Above maya, in the pure universe, Sambara is placed in the principle of pure knowledge (vidyatattva) , Ananta in Tsvaratattva , Brahma in sada- sivatattva , and beyond him there is the supreme Siva (155c-161). Conclusion (162). Chapter 6. Mantras The opening verse lists as the topics of the chapter: the raising of mantras, the origin of the phonemes (aksara/ varna) , the connection of words and sentences with meaning, the definition and the convention (?) of mantras and their particular fruits (1). At the time of creation the Lord causes the phonemes to become manifest from ‘the drop’ ( bindu ) (2). Once shaken, the subtle material cause bindu produces the syllabary (sabdara^i) in two groups: vowels and consonants (3-5). They are the effects, the Lord is the instigating cause, bindu the material cause, human effort is an auxiliary cause; with them language, which is the basis for worldly interaction, is possible (6-8). Introduction lxxiii Pratoda suggests that the phonemes make manifest a power sphota that is responsible for conveying meaning (9). Prakasa responds by asking whether this sphota is the same as or different from the phonemes, and then showing that the two alternatives are to be rejected: meaning is conveyed by the final phoneme in conjunction with a trace left by the utterance of the preceding phonemes, and thus the phonemes themselves enable worldly interaction (10-16). The nature of the relation between language and meaning is questioned (17); Prakasa discounts various types of relation, states that the relation- ship is one of something that causes to understand and that which is to be understood, and asserts that an artificial convention is required to link them (18-24). The question of whether this creation of convention was gradual or all-at- once is raised (25), and Prakasa responds that it was created at once by God’s will, and that the Lord was similarly the creator of the conventions that link mantras to their meanings (26-8). Using the terminology of grammar, the principal parts of the fundamental mantra of the cult (6iva) are identified (29-31). The brahmamantras, ahgamantras and the mantras of the Vidyesvaras are raised (32-4). The mantra-endings (jati ) are enumerated and their functions explained, and OM (pranava) is mentioned as the jati that belongs at the beginning of a mantra (35-7). Thus power is said to reside in the beginning, middle and end of a mantra, in vowels, clusters of consonants, words and sentences (38-9). Pratoda asks whether mantras, since they are made up of language, can be ‘correct’ and ‘incorrect’ (40). Prakasa suggests the futility of supposing a grammar of mantras and points out that both go, the ‘correct’ word for a cow, and gavi, an ‘incor- rect’ one, convey their meaning (41-3). How, asks Prakasa, can words convey meaning unless they are governed by grammar (44)? Prakasa illustrates the arbitrary conventionality of language, including examples of metrical termini used by metricians, in order to show that human sages have contributed conventions, and he concludes that mantras are similarly governed by conventions forged by Siva (45-50). lxxiv Parakhyatantra Pratoda observes that mantras are just words articulated by the parts of the mouth, just like other words (51). Prakasa replies that stones and gems both share the common property of being stones, but only the latter category has special powers, and so too it is with ordinary words and mantras, whose power we can observe in the world when they are used to introduce or quell fever, destroy snakes (naga) or spirits ( bhuta ), etc. (52-6). An affective etymology ( nirvacana ) of mantra is offered, and the discussion is concluded with an assertion that the relation of them with their meaning is forged by Siva (57-8). Pratoda introduces the Mlmamsaka notion that deities are no more than words, and this is rejected by Prakasa (59-64). Pratoda wonders whether the deity is formless or corporeal: if formless, he cannot be what makes a sacrifice produce results; if corporeal, he could not simultaneously be present at many sacrifices (65-6). Prakasa resolves this dilemma by asserting that the deity may take on embodiments at will and that it is he who is the factor who produces the fruit of the sacrifice and not the ritual act itself (67-75). As to the objection that the deity cannot be known since he is unseen, Prakasa replies that the Mlmamsaka’s heaven is also invisible, and he concludes that the ritual act is ‘of the Lord’ ( aisvarT kriya ), and that mantras are to be used in various rites (76-9). In the last three verses, it is asserted that the vidyapada , with its four topics ( padartha ) — that is to say the first four of the list given in 1:5 — has been taught as it was taught by Siva to Prakaia, and the treatment of the last padartha , that of liberation, is announced: Prakasa states that he will now teach rituals (80-2). Chapter 14. Yoga The contents of the chapter are listed (1). Suitable places for the practice of yoga are described (2) and the ideal state of mind (3). A small number of postures are listed and described (4-7), one of which the yogin should adopt, folding his hands in his lap with their palms upwards, spreading out his chest, half-closing his eyes, and focussing them on the tip of his nose (8-9). Introduction lxxv Six necessary auxiliaries of yoga ( yoganga ) are listed (pratyahara, dhyana pranayama, dharana , tarka, samadhi) (10) and briefly described (11-17). Stretching the breath (pranayama) is to be practised to conquer the five breaths (prana, apana, samana, udana, and vyana), which are given ety- mologies ( nirvacana ) (18-25). Breath-exercising techniques of ‘filling’ (puraka), ‘retaining’ ( kumbhaka ), and ‘expulsion’ (recaka) are described (26-31). Having thus conquered the breaths, the yogin should practise the five fixations ( dharana ) of the five elements (32-3). That of earth is described (34-5), as well as the results of practising it (36ab), then that of water (36c-40b), that of fire (40c-43b), that of wind (43c-46), and that of ether (47-49b). With a hundred udghatas conquest of the fixations ( dharana ) is achieved (49cd). An udghata (a timed retention of the breath such that, in the early stages of self-asphyxiation, the sensation is produced of a spontaneous upward surge of vital energy) is defined (50). Having achieved conquest of the fixations (dharanas), the yogin should practise yoga, for which his body is his base (51—2). The variety of vessels in the body is mentioned and their function of transporting chyle about the body is adverted to (53-57b). Eight principal vessels named after the directions and intermediate direc- tions and reaching to the extremities of the petals of the heart’s lotus are listed, and it is stated that the soul, by moving into one of these, takes on the nature of its presiding deity (57c-61). Pratoda asks how the all-pervading soul can move (62), and Prakaia ex- plains that ‘movement’ is used in a figurative sense: what is meant is ‘revelation of knowledge’ (62-8). Prana and jTva appear to be given here as terms for (respectively in-going and out-going?) breath, without which a body is declared dead (69). The left and right channels (mentioned without their usual labels ida and pihgala) are given as two principal channels above the heart and associatd with the moon and the sun respectively; the central channel is in some way associated with both (70-1). An account of the utterance of a mantra (mantroccara) is given, passing from the heart (homologised with Brahma), through the throat (Visnu), the palate (Rudra), between the brows (ISvara), to the tip of the nose lxxvi Parakhyatantra (Sadasiva), and these are further homologised with the five kalas that correspond to five tranches of the ladder of tattvas (72-7). Each of these deities is said to be a name of the supreme deity, and their names are etymologised by nirvacana (78-80). The HAMSA-mantra (81-2). ‘Movement’ upwards, urged by the necessary auxiliary of yoga ‘discrimi- nation’ (tarka), and the attainment of the meditative state of awareness (samadhi) (83-5). The nature of the supreme tattva is discussed (86-90), on attaining which the soul enjoys mastery over the eight yogic powers (91-4). The meaning of the term yoga is discussed (95-7). Yogins possess supernatural powers which they should use to inspire faith in others (98-104). Yogic suicide (105-7). Conclusion (108). Chapter 15. Liberation and the means to its attainment Contents verse (1). Knowledge (jnana), rites (kriya), religious observances (carya) and yoga have been taught as a group of means necessarily preceded by initiation (dTksa) (2). Pratoda asks which of these is really a means to liberation (3), to which Praka^a replies that each of them is a necessary auxiliary (ariga) to initi- ation (dTksa), since they depend on dTksa as their basis (4). He gives a brief description of each and restates this position, concluding with an etymology (nirvacana) of dTksa (5-10). Pratoda asks again which of jnana , kriya , carya and yoga brings about liberation after initiation (dTksa) has first bestowed entitlement to follow them (11). Prakasa explains that samayadTksa , a preliminary initiation for neophytes, confers the entitlement to follow them, but that that preliminary initiation does not purge the soul of the fruits of past actions (karman) that it is to experience in other worlds (in the way that salvific initiation (dTksa) does), and therefore it is full dTksa that is salvific (12-14b). None of the other means is sufficient by itself, for they are all dependent on each other; the initiating acarya knows them all (14c-19). Introduction lxxvii Jn ana and kriya are for ensuring continued memory, and therefore prac- tice, of the Saiva cult (20-1). Pratoda asks why this ‘memory’ is not enough to accomplish liberation ( 22 ). Prakaia explains that it is the assemblage of all the factors ( samagri) that brings about the goal, and that this can be of two types: ‘independent’ (nirapcksa), i.e. salvific initiation alone, without dependence on subse- quent religious practice, and ‘dependent’ (sapeksa), i.e. salvific initiation dependent for its effect on the subsequent observance of the four means (24-6). If there is ‘independent’ initiation (nirapeksa diksa), then are observances of celibacy ( brahmacarya ) and the like pointless, asks Pratoda (27). Prakasa reveals that the observance of social religion is to ensure that Saivas are not looked down upon; it has no other particular benefit, but is honoured rather as the caste-hierarchy must be respected (28-30). The removal of the obligation to perform post-initiatory observances (i.e. ‘independent’ initiation) only confers liberation on those incapable of the subsequent observances, such as children (31). How can it be determined that children have received Siva’s grace (iakti- pata)? And how then can they receive initiation (diksa) (32)? Their grace they gain indirectly, which is to say they are brought by others to be initiated (33-5). Pratoda asks whether someone is likely to be reborn if they once had a dhi- kara (he does not make explicit whether he means adhikara in the sense of eligibility for diksa or eligibility, through diksa, for the post-iniatory means) (36). Prakasa replies that when diksa has been correctly performed liberation will come about (37-38b). If diksa were not performed then the soul in question would become a Rudra and attain full liberation subsequently (38c-39b). Following any one of the subsequent means after initiation leads to liber- ation (39c-41). Pratoda asks how any one can by itself produce initiation (42), and Pra- kasa responds that using all together is effortless, but that using only one, though requiring effort, is possible; in time blissful liberation will result (42-5). lxxviii Parakhyatan tra Pratoda observes that others hold liberation to be an absence (46), a position which Prakasa rejects; in liberation one should attain the qualities of the Lord (47-50). Pratoda advances a Pasupata position that the qualities of the Lord are transferred into the soul (51), and Pratoda rejects this on the grounds that the qualities of the Lord could not then be entirely in the soul or in the Lord (52-6). Pratoda suggests that the absence of karman is held by some to bring about liberation (57), and Pratoda rejects this on the grounds that this does not account for the supreme bliss that should characterise liberation (58-60). Pratoda advances another Pasupata position: that the qualities of the Lord arise in the adept (61), and this too Pratoda rejects, concluding that liberation is the revelation ( abhivyakti ) of the qualities of the Lord which were innately present in the soul, these qualities being characterised as true rectitude ( saddharma ), true knowledge ( sajjnana ), true dispassion (sadvairagya) and true control/sovereignty ( sadaisvarya ), in other words, as transcendent ektypes of the first four of the eight properties of the intellect ( buddhidharmas ) (62-7). The liberated soul is further qualified (68-71). Conclusion, in which Prakasa recounts that he received this scripture ( sastra ) from Parvatlpati, who received it from DTptesa (72-3). The language of the Parakhyatantra In my brief account of aisa language in the introduction to the first vol- ume of the Kiranavrtti (Goodall 1998:lxv-lxx) I unaccountably made no reference to the lengthy treatment of the language of the Kubjika- matatantra in the editors’ introduction (GOUDRIAAN and SCHOTERMAN 1988:44-109). Mention should now also be made of the substantial and impressive discussion of the language and metre of the Siddhayogesvan- matatantra by Judit Torzsok (*1999:xxvi-bcix). TORZSOK opens her discussion (*1999:xxvi) with the following gentle reproof. The irregular forms are called Aisa — characteristic of the lan- guage of Lord Siva (Isa) — following Ksemaraja’s usage of this word in his commentary on the Svacchandatantra. While one may hesitate to agree with Ksemaraja that these must be Introduction lxxix hallmarks of divine style, they perhaps should not be consid- ered simply ‘erroneous forms that would make a learned man blench 1 , or ‘grotesque solecisms’ either. 116 This is a language with its own rules, whose basis is Sanskrit but which shows influence from Prakrit and Apabhramsa. Although Sanskrit is a convenient point of comparison to describe what can be called Aisa, it does not mean that Aisa is simply ‘erroneous Sanskrit’ — just as pidgin language is not erroneous English or French, even if it may best be described in comparison to English or French. This seems to me to be truer of the Siddhayogesvarlmatatantra than it is of some Siddhantatantras, since that text’s language is much further removed from the language of other roughly contemporaneous texts con- sidered to be written in ‘good’ Sanskrit. The Parakhya , however, with its discussion of other theological doctrines in what aspires to be the style of philosophical karikas , is attempting to place itself within the mainstream of Sanskrit ic philosophical debate and, I think, to write ‘good’ Sanskrit. Of course this ‘ karika style’ is not consistently maintained, and percep- tions of style can seem arbitrarily subjective and largely influenced by subject matter. The treatment (in chapter 5) of cosmology, for instance, would not seem out of place in any Purana (though an observant reader might notice the total absence of interjected vocatives and the relatively small quantity of other verse-padding material), whereas the discussion of the connection between word and meaning in the beginning of chapter 6 might in most. But the following seem to me features that suggest the style of philosophical karikas: dense compression of ideas in certain pas- sages (e.g. 6:14ab); awkward enjambements, i.e. having the syntactical units spill out beyond the boundaries of the metrical ones (e.g. 2:107cd- 108a, 4:24-5, 4:140-1, 5:90-1, 6:3-4, 6:27-8, 6:62-3, 14:101-2); paucity of metrical padding (see discussion on p.liv above); frequent allusions to the doctrines of other schools (see p.xlviii ff above); the fact that, with the exception of chapter 5, the entire text takes the form of a debate; and the carefully organised and well sign-posted presentation of themes throughout the text. The morphology of classical Sanskrit is relatively well defined because of the importance given to morphology in the grammatical tradition, but, 116 Expressions quoted from GOODALL 1998:lxvi, fn. 158. lxxx Parakhyatantra as TORZSOK observes (*1999:xxvi), ‘the rules of the syntax and lexicon show much more flexibility’. While it may be more generally regular in its morphology than the earliest of the Siddhantatantras, the author of the Parakhya displays a number of what strike me as irregularities in his syntax and compound formation. I list below a number of stylistic peculiarities. overuse of hanging relative pronouns: 117 1:2a, 1:8, l:36cd, 1:37, l:52ab, 1:64a, 2:86cd, 2:100d, 4:75b, 4:109a, 4:110c, 4:120b, 4:123c, 5:33a, 6:29, 6:31a, 6:40ab, 14:16cd, 15:64, Appendix I.A:2ab and 7ab. clumsy use of anaphoric pronouns (i.e. pronouns with no clear refer- ent, or referring back to distant words or to words tucked away in compounds): 1:31, 1:43, 1:50, 1:69 (see note ad loc.), 2:40c, 4:21c, 4:23a. a special instance of the last mentioned peculiarity is the repeated use of asmin by itself (where we would rather expect iha or atra) to mean ‘in this sastra l:50d, 2:10b, 2:19c, 2:28c, 2:44c, 2:61c, 2:66a, 2:80c, 3:5c, 3:6a, 3:67b, 4:90c, 15:33d, 15:40a. a further special instance of this peculiarity is the tendency to use forms of the masculine pronoun to refer to the soul even when no words for the soul are nearby, e.g. in 1:84b, 4:56a. (Many examples of this could be cited.) anacoluthon of various kinds: 1:12-13 (vina used once with accusative and then supplied with a series of nouns one of which is in the in- strumental), 1:61 (in the first half of which a tatpurusa compound containing caitanya occurs, and in the second the word must be sup- plied in the nominative case, even though no pronoun represents it), 3:4 (sudden change of construction in a series of parallel statements such that ellipsis of a neuter subject must be assumed), 3:5cd (sin- gular in a relative clause and plural in the correlative); 2:25a and 14:61e (attraction of genitive pronoun to the case of a noun with which it is in construction). 117 Speyer observes (1886:350) that the correlative pronoun is often omitted when the relative clause follows the correlative, and he mentions (1886:349) that it may be omitted when the relative clause precedes the correlative (of such an omission he gives no example), but it seems to me that the omission of correlatives in the Parakhya is much more frequent than is normal. Introduction lxxxi ablative for instrumental (expressing the nimittakarana ): l:92d, 4:121b. clumsy transferred epithets: 2:37ab. somewhat too frequent use of compounds ending in -ga where a genitive (or other case ending) would be more normal: 1:13d, l:41d, l:68d, 2:28d, 2:45d, 2:53d, 2:55b, 2:72b, 2:102c, 3:25d, 3:26d, 3:29b, 3:35b, 3:48d, 3:49d(?), 4:33a, 4:38d, 4:44b, 4:49a, 4:83c, 4:99d, 4:136c, 5:68a, 5:92d, 5:llld, 5:117d, 5:134c, 5:153a, 5:156d, 6:35b, 14:11a, 14:15b, 14:28b, 14:33b, 14:45d, 14:48b, 14:57d, 14:71a, 14:75b, 14:75c, 14:75d, 14:78a, 14:81d, 14:89b, 14:90c, 15:19a, 15:46d, Ap- pendix I.A:6d, Appendix I.B:10b. a predilection also for compounds ending in -anuga: 2:55d, 2:56d, 2.61d, 2:112d, 3:26b, 3:35b, 4:105b, 14:38d. also not infrequent are words ending in -j a: 1:3b, l:17e, l:39d, 1:52b, 2:14d, 2:26b, 2:41a, 2:103b, 3:74c, 3:75b, 4:53b, 4:66d, 4:82a, 4:82d, 4:91f, 4:103b, 4:133c, 5:35d, 5:140d, 5:162c, 15:59d, 6:13d, 6:14a. Such compounds should perhaps be classed together as manifesta- tions of a general tendency of the author of the Parakhya to employ short tags of one or two-syllables, usually to get the sense of dif- ferent case-endings without spoiling the metre. Apart from -ga and -ja, the use of -ka in this sort of way seems to occur (e.g. 1:89b, 3:44d, 4:66b, 5:14d, 5:150a, 14:87c); 118 -uttha is not un- common (1:3a, 1:43c, 2:49c, 3:76c, 4:82c, 4:133d, 15:10a); -akhya is much used (1:7c, l:8d, 1:47b, 1:80a, 2:15b, 2:19c, 2:29a, 2:35d, 2:36b, 3:62b, 4:15b, 4:92e, 4:115b, 4:124c, 4:154b, 5:12a, 5:12c, 5:13a, 5:13b, 5:16a, 5:41a, 5:41c, 5:42c, 5:45a, 5:45c, 5:47a, 5:48c, 5:72c, 5:78a, 5:86a, 5:90b, 5:101a, 5:133c, 5:143a, 5:145a, 5:145d, 5:146d, 5:147a (twice), 5:147d, 5:148b, 5:149b, 5:149c, 5:151a, 5:151c, 5:152b, 5:152c, 5:155d, 6:19c, 6:20c, 6:31b, 14:13d, 14:21c, 14:69a, 15:2cd (thrice), 15:31c, 15:44d, 15:64b, Appendix I.A:2c, Appendix I.B:15a), 119 and there are an extremely (and, I think, 118 And it is relatively liberally used as a metre-filling bahuvnhi-marker (e.g. 1:22a, 1:66b, 2:15d, 2:35d, 2:39d, 2:71b, 2:94b, 4:14ab, 4:29f, 4:46d, 4:80d, 4:125d, 4:134d, 4:149b, 4:162b, 5:2d, 5:44b, 5:82d, 5:84b, 5:111b, 5:145d, 5:146b, 5:152b, 6:7b, 14:34d, 14:36b, 14:73d, 15:7c, 15:17c) and as an otiose syllable-filler in names and some nouns (see below under morphological peculiarities). ll9 Other forms derived from the root y/khya are also frequent. lxxxii Parakhyatan tra unusually) large number of words ending in -tah (a list seems un- necessary). Such a tendency can of course not be said to be typical only of the author of the Parakhya. non- bahuvrThi compounds inflected as though they were bahuvrThis : l:32d, 3:1b, 4:1b, 4:2b, 4:2c, 4:34d, 4:93d, 6:8b, 6:45b, 14:20d, 14:37d, 15:19d. Observe that seven instances are of compounds ending in asraya, samsraya or samasraya (l:32d, 4:1b, 4:2b, 4:93d, 14:20d, 14:37d, 14:58d) and all but one of the rest 120 concern com- parable verbal nouns formed with krt suffixes. Perhaps they could instead be grouped under the rubric of verbal nouns used as adjec- tives at the end of tatpurusa compounds. ‘split’ or incomplete compounds: 2:73b ( dosas tv itaretarah ), 6:18a ( karyakarano yogah ), 6:19a ( sadhyasadhano yogah), 121 6:31b (sivakhyam mantralaksanam 122 ) . tautologous compounds to fill the metre: 1:52b, 4:103b (compounds end- ing in - nimittaja ), 15:34c (taddvarayogatah ) . a dvandva compound apparently followed by a ca or a va connecting its two members: 4:102a, Appendix I.B:28c. 123 the suffix -tah apparently used as though it were -tvat or -tvena: 3:40d, 4:8d, 4:69d, 5:85c, 15:50d(?). Apart from these rather strained uses of tasii, the suffix is, as we have remarked above, extremely fre- quently used in its commonly accepted senses. aha with past-tense meaning: 1:2c, l:18d. 124 120 The final member of the compound in 4:34d is gocara. 121 These last two could perhaps be included under the above heading. 122 The required sense is that of sivakhyamantralaksanam , but that would infringe the metre. 123 A similar case is noted by Torzsok (*1999:xlvii) in Siddhayoge£varTmatatantra 8 : 8 : sutrayen mandalam divyam sarvasiddhiphalodayam caturastakaram va pi . . . 124 This usage can be found in good classical authors too; see for instance Goodall 2001b for its occurrence in the works of Kalidasa. Introduction lxxxiii present active participles used as main verbs: 2:59c, 4:22b, and perhaps 14:82d. double sandhi: 4:21c, 4:67d, 5:52c, 5:93d, 5:96d(?), 5:132b, 6:79a, 14:50c, 14:57c, Appendix I.B:30c. irregular sandhi of the masculine nominative pronoun sah: 5:87c. sandhi applied when endings should be pragrhya: 15:16a, 15.20c, Ap- pendix l.A:2d-3a, Appendix I.B:12c. hiatus within a pada: 125 in 1:71c, 3:5a, 126 3:69b, 4:52b. treatment of vocalic r as equivalent to ri or ru (excluding instances of hiatus): 4:101b, 5:15a, 5:20b, 5:132c, 14:98a (and perhaps also in 4:105d). 127 A special case is 5:129b, rsayo rsubhavanah, which is different from the above-mentioned instances of hiatus in that the final form of the first word has been modified as though the second began with r followed by a vowel. Such a treatment of the vocalic r as though it were a combination of a consonant and a vowel is common enough in some Puranas: see, e.g., Adriaensen, Barker, and Isaacson 1998:27-8. the locative of the singular used for the locative of the dual: 2:110d (bodhabodhe ) . plural for dual: 5:4a. neuter for masculine: 4:83c ( utkarsain ) 5:95d (udanvat), 14:94d (nija- dharmam). 128 125 Hiatus between two padas, such as we find, for instance, between 2:61c and d, 14:22a and b, 14:104a and b, etc., seems not to be especially common in this text, but it is in any case so common in epic, puranic and tantric literature that it seems hardly worth recording here as a peculiarity. 126 These first two are instances of hiatus where the second word begins with a vocalic r. Since hiatus inside a pada is not a common feature of the style of this text, this suggests that in the redactor’s pronunciation (and therefore usage) the vocalic r had the phonetic value of ri or ru. There are a number of other indications that this was so, for which see next entry. 127 There are a number of indications that for the scribe too, and not just for the redactor, vocalic r was so treated, e.g., his writing krddhah (for kruddhah ) in 5:123a. 128 In this last instance, as well as in 4:83c, the neuter ending appears to be the result lxxxiv Parakhyatantra masculine for neuter: l:79e ( cetah ). simplex for causative: 6:21b and 6:61d (both instances of pratyeti). occasional pleonasms: 5:62b, 5:139b. The following are morphological peculiarities: svakya with the sense, perhaps slightly intensified, of the possessive ad- jective sva. 129 abbreviations of certain nominal forms: 3:3c (gauta for gautama ?), 14:4d (cara for car ana , perhaps to fit the metre), 15:1 Id ( adhikarika for adhikarakarika ? ) . meaningless extension of some nouns (particularly names) to pad the metre with -ka: 5:5d, 5:14d, 5:48d, 5:68c, 5:69a, 5:112b, 5:118a, 5:147d, 5:148b, 14:4d, 14:7b, 14:73d. 130 irregularly formed past-participles: perhaps 14:12d and 14:90b (anusan- dhita), and perhaps 14:22d ( chindita ). feminine stem in -I replaced by a stem in -ya: 5:15c ( vaitaranya ). feminine stem in -i replaced by a stem in -I to suit the metre: 6:69c ( ahuti ). the genitive patyuh mistakenly ‘regularised’ to pateh: 14:97c. the genitive plural of murdhan mistakenly ‘regularised’ to murdhanam: 2:89b (ex conj.). Stems in final -s are occasionally treated as stems in -a/-a when at the beginning of a compound: 4:89a, 5:133d, 5:134b. Stem in final -is treated as a stem in -i to fit the metre: 5:35d ( udbhu tanala jarci bhih ) . of attraction to the gender of aisvarya, the word to which both expressions stand in apposition. 129 See fn. 396 on p. 258 below. 130 This last, an instance of talu-ka, finds parallel in a number of other tantric works, e.g., Nidvasamukha 4:52 (f. 16 v ), Nisvasa guhyasutra 1:133 (f. 44 u ), Svacchanda 4:365, 5:75, 7:38, 10:1172, 15:25, Kubjikamata 17:75, 25:93, and Tantraloka 32:26. Introduction lxxxv Accusative for nominative in the masculine plural of stems in n and nt. 6:6b, 15:73. One further observation on my use of the expression ‘a isa language’ is worth making. A comparison of the above list with the accounts referred to above of deviant usages in the Kirana, Sardhatrisatikalottara, Siddha- yogesvarTmata, and the Kubjikamata seems to me to reveal rather sur- prisingly little that is common to all those texts. We can observe in all of them a tendency (of very varying strength) to transform non- vocalic nom- inal stems into vocalic ones, particularly when this is metrically required, and a tendency to irregularities of sandhi (hiatus and double sandhi) ; but beyond this, each list tables largely idiosyncracies peculiar to each text. Even confusion over lyap and ktv a, which one might expect to be uni- versally shared, appears not to be a common feature of the Parakhya. Certainly the Parakhya, in the form it has been transmitted to us, cannot be said to have been written in a distinct language whose basis is Sanskrit. Welcome light on arsa (and therefore also a isa) usage is shed by a grammar of epic Sanskrit that has just appeared: OBERLIES 2003. Some remarks on the treatment of metre The Parakhya ends each chapter with a verse in a different metre: chapters 1 and 6 are concluded with an upajati, 2 and 14 with a vasantatilaka, 3 with a malinl, and 4, 5 and 15 each with a sardulavikrTdita. But in respect of its a nustubh it is almost as remarkably bland as the Kirana or the Svayambhuvasutrasahgraha, both of which, as I have obseived (Goodall 1998:lxxi), not only restrict themselves to the anustubh but scarcely deviate from the pathya. The occasional vipulas are these: na-vipu la 1:18a, 1:60c, 2:76e, 5:35c, 5:104c, 15:65c, and Appendix I, verses B:40c, C:54a, and L:126c. r a-vipula 6:19d and 6:20d (identical padas, both missing a caesura after the fourth syllable). 131 A single instance is to be found in the chapters transmitted by M v (15:60c) and one is to be found in Appendix I.L:132a, but see also the apparatus ad loc. But I should add the caveat that we possess only fragments of the parts of the text most likely to contain plentiful absolutives, namely the parts giving ritual instructions. lxxxvi Parakhyatantra ma-vipula 1:66c, 2:111a (ex conj. and with the wrong preamble), 3:56a, 5:95c, 14:10c, Appendix I, verses E:79a (with no caesura after the fifth syllable), E:87c, and K:115a. Even including the verses in Appendix I, not quite one percent of the half-lines have vipulas. Without the verses in Appendix I the percentage is yet lower. A number of ‘errors’ with the pathya occur when a short vowel in the fifth syllable is followed by a conjunct in which the second consonant is a semivowel: 5:4c, 5:44a, 5:76c, 5:124a. These could therefore be treated as ma-vipulas , irregular because they are not preceded by a ra-preamble. But I regal'd them rather as instances of the pathya in which the weak conjunct at the beginning of the sixth syllable was not felt to strengthen the fifth. Of course conjuncts with semi-vowels do strengthen the syllables they precede; indeed, as we have seen above (see p. lxxxiii), it is clear that even a consonant followed by a vocalic r was felt in a number of cases to be sufficient metrically to strengthen the preceding syllable. But what I am suggesting is that they were felt not necessarily to do so. Occasionally we find conjuncts with semi- vowels being similarly treated as weak in the cadence of the even pada too: l:71d, 3:lld, 5:109d, 6:48b, 6:68d. Two even-numbered padas might originally have been faulty for being entirely iambic: 5:136ef (ex conj.] see fn. 613 on p. 312) and 4:86b (see fn. 391 on p.257). There are a couple of instances where metrical constraints have been entirely abandoned, both to be explained as the result of having to in- corporate metrically awkward names: 2:43c, 14:91. Verse 1:14a is hy- permetrical, but it belongs to a class of hypermetrical padas that is not uncommon in aisa and arsa language: we must treat its two initial short syllables as having the value of a single long. 132 In 5:58a the hypermetry is the result of a conjecture, but one that seems not implausible (see fn. 541 on p. 294). In the text as constituted there are few metrical solecisms in the even padas , and such as there are can for the most part, as we have seen, be ‘justified’. Since these give the cadence, they are the most inflexible part of the verse. In only a small handful of instances (l:51cd, 2:38ab, 3:65ab, 15:41ab, Appendix I.B:16cd and 17ab) does a word awk- 132 See Goodall (quoting Tokunaga) 1998:lvii, fn. 132. A weak intervening conso- nant, such as a nasal or (as in our instances) a semivowel perhaps helps the collapse of two syllables into one. Introduction lxxxvii wardly bridge an odd and an even pada. In two instances the author (unless these are transmissional errors) has awkwardly split compounds in order to avoid a bad even pada (2:35 and 6:31b). The author of the Parakhya was not, we may conclude, a skilled han- dler of metre. He may have been very slightly more ambitious than the authors of the Kir ana and Svayambhuvasutrasaiigraha , but his verses in longer metres, unless the transmission has badly distorted them, are far from being smooth compositions. Perhaps their lack of clarity is in part to be explained by their being in each case densely packed summary verses. Does the Parakhya tell us anything new? The rediscovery of a large part of the Parakhya made possible by this edition does not provide us with a lot of new or surprising doctrines, and it should not radically change our picture of the old pan-Indian San- skritic Saiva Siddhanta. It could be said, in other words, to be just another scriptural formulation of a body of views that we find (with one or two variations here and there) in a number of published works. But we should take note that it is one more document of the period before the appearance of what seems to have been the most significant body of Saiddhantika exegesis in the history of the school, namely the writ- ings of the tenth-century Kashmirian lineage of Ramakantha II. It joins, therefore, a very small corpus of published pre-tenth-century Saiddhantika writings: the Rauravasutrasahgraha , the Svayambhuvasutrasaiigraha , the Sardhatrisatikalottara , the Kir an a, the Sarvajhanottara , the Matahga, the Mrgendra , and the surviving writings of Sadyojyotis. Among the scriptures of this already modest list, the Rauravasutrasahgraha is badly transmitted and, I believe, incomplete; 133 the greater part of both the Svayambhuvasutrasaiigraha and the Kirana is, I maintain, uninter- pretable a s presented to us by their South Indian editions; 134 and of the Sarvajhanottara only a very small portion has been published, and in the only easily accessible edition of that small portion (that of the 133 See p. xcvii below. 134 The incomprehensibility of the Devakottai edition of the Kirana (Ed) is plentifully illustrated in this volume: see footnotes 143, 726, 732, 755, 781, 846, and 904 on pp. 181, 347, 351, 358, 364, 383, and 402. Fewer illustrations are given of difficulties in the South Indian edition of the Svayambhuvasutrasaiigraha , but see footnotes 522 and 743 on pp. 290 and 355. Vasudeva (*2000) draws attention to and repairs a number. lxxxviii Parakhyatan tra Adyar Library) its text is marred by large distortive interpolations, 135 non-sensical omissions, 136 and passages that deviate very widely from all the manuscripts I have consulted. 137 The corpus of published early scrip- tures is thus small indeed, and the addition to it of the Parakhya makes a considerable difference, if only in bulk. And even if it treats many of the same themes as other texts, naturally it has different emphases. Thus it devotes more attention than the other early published scriptures to theories about language, mantras and scripture, and to the relative im- portance of diksa and the four padas. The Parakhya's fourteenth chapter is a welcome addition to the small collection of works on early Saiva yoga. BRUNNER, in her article on the subject (1994), was obliged to rely (among the early Saiddhantika sources) on the in some respects unusual account of the Mrgendr a, the uninterpretably corrupt account of the Devakottai edition of the Kirana, and the difficult treatments of the Matanga and the Sardhatrisatikalottara, the latter given piecemeal in a number of chap- ters. 138 In one respect this volume is quite new: it contains the first translation of an eaxly Siddhantatantra into English. The only complete translations of early Siddhantatantras are those into French of the Mrgendra (HULIN 1980 and BRUNNER 1985) and the Rauravasutrasangraha (Dagens and Barazer-Billoret 2000), the latter being, in my opinion, of limited use because of the poor state of the text they followed. Of the Svayam- bhuvasutrasahgraha only the first three and a bit chapters, out of twenty- three, have been translated into French and English (Filliozat 1991a and 1994), and of the Kirana the first twelve, out of sixty-four, have been translated into Italian (VlVANTI 1975), and the first seven into English (Goodall 1996 and 1998). A word about the arbitrariness of the annotation. The criticism may be raised that in some places I have quoted a great deal of tangentially relevant matter, and in others barely anything at all. The charge is unan- swerable. All annotation is likely to be arbitrary to a certain extent, and of course I have followed up some things that interested me and not others. 135 0ne of these forms the subject of Goodall forthcoming B. 136 One is referred to in fn. 838 on p.381. 137 See footnotes 332 and 348 on pp. 238 and 245 below. 138 I cannot pretend fully to have understood the Parakhya’s treatment of the topic, but I have had the enormous advantage of having Dr. Somdev Vasudeva’s work (*2000) to draw on. Introduction lxxxix I have on the whole tried to quote most from the most closely related texts whenever I found in them matter that helped me to contextualise and to interpret what I found in the Parakhya. In other words, I have intention- ally referred most to the early Siddhantas, and among those particularly the Mrgendra, Matahga, and Kirana, which I judge to be closest in spirit to the Parakhya , 139 and then to exegetical Saiddhantika literature, par- ticularly when it contained quotations of passages of the Parakhya and commented on them. Relevant passages from texts of other schools o thought have been quoted less frequently. It may be unfashionable to comment unfavourably on the literary quality of something one edits, particularly when it does not belong to one’s own culture, but I think some remark on the subject belongs to a characterisation of the text. It is not, in my view, a work of beauty. It is, as we have seen, less prolix than the Matahga, and yet this does not render it as neat and clear as the Mrgendra, nor indeed any clearer than the Matahga. It is less lively than the Kirana and considerably less lively than the Nisvasa. Metrically it is, as we have also seen, indifferent; indeed it seems to me that it does not in its use of metre, diction or any means aspire to be poetry. It’s author’s aim was a systematic presentation and justification of the principal doctrines of the Saiva Siddhanta in unadorned verse. The nature of this edition Browsing in A. E. HousMAN’s classical papers is an absorbing diversion for someone who aspires to edit ancient texts, but it is not without its stings. I recently came across the following and was uncomfortably re- minded of my text and translation of the Parakhya: Here then, between poets capable of much and copyists capa- ble of anything, is a promising field for the exercise of tact and caution; a prudent editor will be slow to emend the text and slow to defend it, and his page will bristle with the obelus. But alas, it is not for specimens of tact and caution that one resorts to the editors of the Culex; it is rather to fill one s U9 I should reiterate that this ‘closeness’ may be illusory, given that so few early Siddhantatantras are accessible to us. Perhaps they should not really form a group; but given what survives, they seem to. xc Parakhyatantra bosom with sheaves of improbable corrections and impossible explanations . 140 Fortunately, since this is, as far as I am aware, the first edition of the Parakhya , I can reassure myself with the reflection that, by reporting as accurately as I can what all the sources for the text read and offering as many suggestions for improvement as occur to me and to others to whom I have shown the text, I am at least recording what is preserved by what appear to be the last, fast-decaying witnesses of the Parakhya , and am improving at least some parts of it for future readers. And HOUSMAN offers this further consolation: Some ancient authors have descended to modern times in one MS. only, or in a few MSS. derived immediately or with little interval from one . . . Others there are whose text, though in the main reposing on a single copy, can be corrected here and there from others, inferior indeed, but still independent and indispensable . . . There is a third class whose text comes down from a remote original through separate channels, and is preserved by MSS. of unlike character but like fidelity, each serving in its turn to correct the faults of others. . . If I had no judgment, and I knew it, and were nevertheless immutably resolved to edit a classic, I would single out my victim from the first of these three classes: that would be best for the victim and best for me. Authors surviving in a solitary MS. are by far the easiest to edit, because their editor is re- lieved from one of the most exacting offices of criticism, from the balancing of evidence and the choice of variants. They are the easiest, and for a fool they axe the safest. One field at least for the display of folly is denied him: others are open, and in defending, correcting, and explaining the written text he may yet aspire to make a scarecrow of the author and a byword of himself; but with no variants to afford him scope for choice and judgment he cannot exhibit his impotence to judge and choose . 141 140 From Housman’s “Remarks on the ‘Culex’ ”, The Classical Review XVI (1902), p.339, as quoted in HOUSMAN 1981:95. 141 Prom Housman’s preface to his edition M. Manilii Astronomicon Liber Primus (London, 1903) as quoted in HOUSMAN 1981:34-5. Introduction xci There is so much that is noteworthy and quotable that strikes the reader in Housman’s papers, and now that I have started it is difficult to stop, but I will restrict myself to just one more quotation, not because it is pithy and amusing, but because it illustrates something that must powerfully strike students of every branch of Sanskrit literature: The Pithoeanus was first applied to the recension of Juvenal in 1585 by its godfather Petrus Pithoeus. His text, founded on this MS., served in 1613 as a model to Rigaltius, and Rigaltius served as a model to editors of Juvenal for near two hun- dred years. From 1800 onward, when P had long disappeared, Ruperti first, and then Achaintre and Heinrich, produced re- censions founded on inferior MSS. But in the middle of the century the Pithoeanus was rediscovered in Montpellier and was restored to its pride of place by Otto Jahn and K. F. Hei- mann; and in the series of modern editions, Jahn s of 1851, Hermann’s of 1854, Jahn’s of 1868, Buechler’s of 1886 and 1893, the text of Juvenal has drawn nearer and nearer to the text of P. 142 Across centuries, generations of scholars, building upon each others achievements, have gradually worked towards re-constructing many clas- sical Greek and Latin texts. In India, commentarial literature written from early times up to the present day has played its role in securing and rendering interpretable some Sanskrit texts. But it is only in recent times that editions of Sanskrit works based upon exhaustive collations of the sources have begun to appear, and it is evident that, although it^is fash- ionable to question the fruits of such endeavours for some texts, there is much to be gained from critical editions in every branch of Sanskrit literature. With this first edition of the Parakhya I have attempted to repair the text as much as possible, but I am aware that much of the text is lost, much is uninterpretably corrupt, much is suspect, and much that has not 14 2 From Housman’s preface to his edition D. Iunii Iuvenalis Saturae (London, 1905) as quoted (with subsequent corrections incorporated) in Housman 1981.54. 143 Asserting the futility of attempting critical editions of Puranas in particular is perhaps no longer the dernier cri, but it is still not passe: see, for example, INDEN 2000, in particular the appendix, entitled ‘Authorism and Contextualism, Empiricism and Idealism in the Study of Puranas’. XC11 Parakhyatantra aroused my suspicions may not be in the state its author intended . 144 I am also aware that it is unlikely that generations of text-critics will follow who will gradually work at improving the text, winning nearer and nearer to its original state. And there are few passable editions of the surviving texts most closely related to the Parakhya ; indeed many have not been printed at all. Although I have tried to read related literature, reading much of it inevitably involves editing it. There is, I have no doubt, much surviving material that I have missed and that I might profitably have adduced to repair and elucidate passages in the Parakhya. I could therefore allow further years to pass in the study of related material before daring to publish. But publishing now means that one further source for the intellectual history of Saivism is made available to other students and editors of this body of literature. Comparing the one surviving MS that transmits the Parakhya with the wealth of sources that transmit other Siddhantatantras, for example the Kirana , should make us mindful of another reason for being sceptical of, indeed inevitably dissatisfied with, the text offered in this edition. In the case of the Kirana we can plausibly divide the surviving MSS into three groups. It seems likely to me that the Nepalese sources are the most ‘sincere’, which is to say that they appear not to have transmitted a lot of deliberate modifications, and such deviations as there are from the text as it was first composed seem likely in the main to be the result of accident, of ‘innocent’ error. The MSS M Y and R N reflect the tex,t as it was transmitted to and by the tenth-century Kashmirian exegete Rama- kantha II (in both cases, but certainly in the case of R N , this may have been a South Indian text modified in accordance with the commentary): a slightly polished up Kashmirian text, from which a number of awkward- nesses had been removed by circumlocution. The other South Indian manuscripts transmit a text that has in places also been ‘improved upon’ in the interests of clarity — again not, it seems, with a view to modifying its doctrines (see Goodall:1998:369-70, fn. 604)— and which has here and there suffered conflation with the other groups. Using these groups 144 In the introduction to my edition of the Kiranavrtti I very briefly defended the practice of conjectural emendation (GOODALL 1998:cxiv); here I assume that no such defence is necessary, because I imagine that it will be clear to all who attempt to read the text as it has been transmitted by M Y that it must be corrected if we make the minimal assumption that the text once made sense. But it is of course not only where it cannot be construed or cannot be plausibly construed that the text may be at fault. Introduction XClll and the surviving commentaries we can often infer what is likely to have been the original wording of a particular verse, and that is often very different from what we find in the Mysore codex M v ' . Now in the case of the Parakhya we have only one source, the same Mysore codex M y , and that tells us almost all we can know about the transmission. Quotations attributed to the Parakhya reveal deviations, but these, as we can discover from comparable quotations in the same works of other more reliably transmitted texts, are not likely all to be reliable. But it is not improbable that the Parakhya, like the Kirana , should have been transmitted with enormous variation, and that what we have preserved today is a corrupt and damaged exemplar of one version among several of the text. For it should not be supposed that the enor- mously varied transmission of the Kirana is exceptional in this genre of literature. We have plentiful evidence (in the form of surviving Nepalese MSS) for the text of the Sardhatrisatikalottara that reveals that it too was transmitted with huge variation, a great deal of which is not reflected in the editions published to date. 145 Even for the Matahga a considerable amount of significant variation is not reflected in the apparatus: apart from the numerous surviving South Indian MSS not used for the IFP edition, 146 Nepalese MSS have not been consulted at all for the first vol- ume, and yet the one Nepalese palm- leaf MS that has been consulted for the second volume (using a not wholly accurate transcript, IFP MS T. 970, reported with the siglum ‘ca’) could improve on the text offered in the first volume in many places. 147 For much of the second volume no Kashmirian source gives testimony, and yet a catalogued Sarada MS survives in the BORI (MS No. 235 of 1883-84) which, unlike the other Sarada sources, covers the commentary for the beginning of the text and, alone among all the sources, covers the commentary for almost all of the yogapada (the end of chapter 6 and the beginning of chapter 7 are miss- ing) and for the beginning of the caryapada. It also contains portions of the commentary on the kriyapada for which Bhatt had no source. The 145 Some indication of this was given in Goodall 1998:lxvi-lxviii; for further evidence see, for example, the short quotation with (minimal) apparatus in fn. 793 on p. 368 below. 146 A few of these are referred to by GOODALL 1998:lxxx, lxxxii and xcvii. 147 The original manuscript is MS 5-688 in the National Archives, Kathmandu: NGMPP Reel No. A 43/2. XC1V Parakhyatantra manuscript is in some disorder , 148 but it gives a much more complete text of Ramakantha’s commentary than any which Bhatt actually used . 149 It is not improbable then that M Y might represent but a single strand of a multifarious transmission, perhaps a version close to that once trans- mitted by the lost classical commentary, just as M y ’s version of what it transmits of the Kirana is close to the text presupposed by Ramakantha’s Kiranavrtti. l48 It contains 253 folios divided up as follows: 101 folios labelled ff. 119-219; 18 un- numbered; 48 numbered ff. 1-18; 86 numbered ff. 1-86. The commentary on the yoga- pada (from which I have cited in the annotation to chapter 14) is covered on ff. 44 r -83 v of the last sequence of pagination. 149 Sanderson (1995b:565) mentions the omission of this source in his review, as well as of two other catalogued sources in North India that I have not seen: Sahitya Samsthana, Rajasthana VidyapTtha, Udaipur, Accession Nos. 205 and 334. In a letter of 27.ix.1997, Professor Sanderson drew my attention to the existence of another Kashmirian MS in a collection recently acquired by the Staatsbibliothek in Berlin: it is part of a Sammelhandschrift, at that time labelled KA 1436, part of which has been consulted for its text of the MalinTvijayottara and described by Vasudeva (*2001:xiii). SOURCES FOR THE CONSTITUTION OF THE TEXT The Mysore Manuscript The principal source for the text is University of Mysore, Oriental Re- search Institute MS P 258/9 (i.e. MS P 258, ff. 27 r -35 v ). The last digit of the shelf-mark is intended to indicate the place of the text in the codex, but the Parakhya appears to be the eighth and not the ninth. This codex’s text of the Parakhya is listed by Malledevaru (1987:66-7), as are most, but not all, of the other works in the codex elsewhere in the same vol- ume. The following account is a modified version of my description of the codex in the introduction to volume 1 of the Kiranavrtti (Goodall 1998:lxxxix-xci): Palm-leaf (talipot). Nandinagarl. Folios of 2^" x 1'2|" with eighteen lines to a side. The leaves were numbered (perhaps at the time of writing) in Kannada numerals in the left mar- gins of each recto and later in Arabic numerals in the spaces round the string holes. I have followed the latter. The first verse of the text of the Kirana (f. 35 v f 12 l) directly follows the colophon to the Parakhya (for which this is the codex uni - cus) on f. 35 v (labelled 35B), line 11. The penultimate folio of the Kirana was placed after f. 70 of the codex, was no- ticed by the second numerator to belong earlier, and was la- belled 39B. [. ..] The whole codex is beautifully written in a very small, neat hand and makes an old impression. The Parakhya is preceded in the same codex by the Tattvapra- kasavrtti (ff. 1— 5 r ); the Prayogasara (ff. 5 u -9 r ); Rauravasutra- sahgraha [for chapters 5 to 10 and for half of chapter 4 of which this is the codex unicus] (ff. 9 r t 6 l-12 r l 15 l); Svayambhuvasutra- sahgraha [for which this is the only South Indian manuscript known to me in which all twenty-three chapters appear in the XCV1 Parakhyatantra correct order and unmixed with other material] (ff. 12 r t 15 l- 18^ ( 16 1 ) ; Sardhatrisatikalottara (ff. 18-22 r ); Kalajnana (f. 22 v ); and the Mrgendrottara [= Mrgendra] (ff. 23 r -27 r [the text on f. 23 does not follow on from that on f. 22]). The Parakhya is followed in the same codex by the chapters 1-11 and 58-9 (the last two being numbered 59 and 60 respectively) of the Kirana (ff. 35 u -39 v ); by the Pauskara (ff. 39 l, -48); Goraksaviracita- prabodha (ff. 48-50 r ) and YogadTpika (ff. 52 r -53 r ). On f. 54 v appears the colophon iti srlmahadevaviracite astamgayogah kartikeyasamvadah muktisopanasastram samaptam. Then follows the first adhikara of Abhinavagupta’s Isvarapratyabhi- jnakarikavimarsinl (ff. 54 u -71 r ). The last colophon of that work is that of the seventh ahnika. F. 71 v is blank. I could not identify what text the last folios, 72-76 r , transmit. I noticed only one colophon-like phrase: iti jainasamayanirakaranarn (f 72 r l 13 l). The same codex was used for its text of the latter chapters of the Rauravasutrasahgraha (not for the first three and half) and cursorily described in Bhatt’s edition of the Raurava (p.xviii and p. 174). It was not used by Filliozat for his edition of the Svayambhuvasutrasaiigraha. The bulk of M r ’s readings of the Kirana probably coincide more nearly with the conjectured text of Ramakantha than those of any other independent manuscript of the mula. The text of the two patalas it transmits of the yogapada is written without break after that of the vidyapada. The work called Kalajnana transmitted on f. 22 u , of which only the first five and a half chapters are given, is an unpublished hundred-verse re- cension of the Kalottara that is also transmitted in Nepal, 150 but is un- mentioned in Bhatt’s list of known recensions. 151 Although the text 150 It is transmitted, for example, immediately following the recension in fifty verses, the Jhanapahcasika , on ff. 4 V -9 V (in the first foliation) of NAK MS 5-4632, NGMPP Reel No. B 118/7. As I have observed (Goodall 1998:xc, fn. 184), the names Kalajnana and Kalottara are used interchangeably in the colophons of the Nepalese manuscripts of the non-eclectic recensions. Here too in M v the name Kalajnana occurs in the colophons of chapters 3-5, but Kalottara in that of chapter 2 (f. 22 v ^). 151 Bhatt’s list, given on p. xlviii of his upodghata to his edition of the Sardhatrisati- kalottara , omits also the Jhanapahcasika (mentioned in the previous footnote) and the Sardhasatika recension, which is transmitted on ff. 1 V -6 V (in the second foliation) of NAK MS 5-4632, NGMPP Reel No. B 118/7. Sources for the constitution of the text XCVll breaks off in the middle, no folio appears to be missing: the Roman and the Kannada foliations (the latter only partially visible here) tally for the preceding and following folios, and some blank space has been left at the end of the last line of f. 22 v , as though to indicate that the remainder of the text had been missing also in the scribe’s exemplar. The text of the Mrgendrottara ( =Mrgendra ) begins straight away at the top of f. 23 r . It ends (with the colophon iti srlmrgendrottare yogapadah sain apt ah) at the end of line 15 of f. 27 r . The manuscript in fact transmits only the vidya- pada and the yogapada. The kriyapada and caryapada are not given. Thus for a number of texts — the Mrgendra , the Kirana, the Parakhya , and probably the Rauravasutrasahgraha — the scribe has omitted chap- ters. In each case he appears to have retained the parts that focus on doctrine and yoga and to have omitted ritual prescriptions. From the Kirana , as we have seen, he has copied only chapters 1-11, in other words all of what Ramakantha treats as the vidyapada with the exception of the twelfth chapter, and 58-9, the two chapters that treat yoga. Of the Parakhya , the first six chapters and the last two (chapters 14 and 15) have been selected. I have suggested before (Goodall 1998:xl, fn. 92) that M y ’s text of the Rauravasutrasahgraha may be incomplete, but I failed to mention some evidence that bears upon this assumption: Bhatt’s ap- paratus records that the chapters numbered 7-10 in the edition are not so numbered in the manuscript: three are not numbered at all, and the eighth he reports as being numbered 10 in M y . In fact even the eighth chapter does not appear to be numbered in M y . 152 Since, as we have seen, the scribe of M y has omitted chapters of other tantras copied in the same codex, it is possible that he might have done the same when transmitting the Rauravasutrasahgraha. As with the Kirana , Mrgendra , and Parakhya , he may well deliberately have dropped passages that were not of interest to him. Since I have been able to find no other manuscript of the Parakhya , excepting its apographs, which will be described below, and since M Y is therefore our only source (directly or indirectly) for almost all of the text, some more remarks about its script and scribal practices are called for than I offered in the introduction to the Kiranavrtti. Unlike in some 152 The colophon to the seventh chapter of Mysore MS B 776, the partial apograph of M y that covers the Rauravasutrasahgraha, ends with dharanapatalo dasah , which has been corrected to dharanapatalah (f. 38 u ), and this is perhaps the source of the confusion. xcviii Parakhyatantra styles of South Indian NandinagarT, a medial short i is notated as in Deva- nagarl, that is to say it does not lack the vertical bar that precedes the letter to which it is attached (contrast, e.g., R N in which the Kiranavrtti is transmitted). This bar in M r , however, is often hooked slightly to the right towards its bottom. I mention this detail because it explains why I can sometimes with some confidence transcribe a medial i (rather than a medial a, o or a u belonging to the preceding aksara ) in portions where the tops of the aksaras are invisible. The scribe’s convention for an initial r appears to have a form that could be interpreted as rr (or perhaps he consistently wrote rr, even where initial r is required). 153 The reader should therefore bear in mind that wherever I have transcribed r, this could be interpreted as rr, and vice versa. The scribe invariably writes jh for jjh, a habit comparable to that of many other scribes of always writing either cha or ccha, regardless of which is required. The scribe has marked corrections variously: a single aksara is cancelled by a superscript dot (not a small circle, as is used for an anusvara or to make up a visarga ); a long portion of text can be deleted by being enclosed in round brackets or encircled 154 and, in some cases, also drawn through with a horizontal line; part of an aksara (e.g. the r of a pra) can be deleted by dense scribbling over it. It appears that all the corrections have been executed by the scribe himself. Antecedents There are a number of indications that there may have been at some point in the transmission of the text down to M v an intermediary in Grantha script: the confusion of ha and bha (in l:28d, 4:77a, 4:83a, 4:102a, 4:164b?, 5:28c, 5:92a, 6:69c, 14:10a); the occasional confusion of kr and ku (in 3:28c, 5:37c); 155 the confusion of va and pa (e.g. in 2:105b, 2:115c, 4:47d, 4:104d, 4:107c, 4:118d, 4:120d, 4:152b, 5:14d, 5:27c, 5:44a, 5:95d, 5:109b, 5:114c, 5:149a, 6:36b, 6:43d, 14:27d, 14:37b, 14:58b, 14:98d, 15:1c, 15:27d, 15:37b); the confusion of dha and ya (e.g. in 4:166b and 5:137d); the confusion of ta and na in 4:54c; the confusion of ca and pa 153 Occasionally, as in 3:5a, 5:129b and 5:134c, B has actually transcribed rr. 154 This is the practice referred to in NaisadhTyacarita 1:11. 155 There are various styles of writing both of these in Grantha (see Goodall and VASUDEVA, forthcoming), and a graph that in one Grantha hand represents a ku may in another represent a kr (and vice versa). Sources for the constitution of the text xcix in 4:120a; the confusion of ta and ka in l:17f, 4:92f and 5:145d; the con- fusion of pa and ba in 1:32a and 5:124c; the confusion of rtha and rdha in 4:67c; and the confusion of ndha (consistently represented by mdh a in NT) and ddha (in 1:12b, 2:5a, 2:57d, 156 4:14d, 4:31a, 4:48a, 4:149c, 4:156c, 4:165c, 4:170d, 14:21a, and 14:23c). These are all confusions that are palaeographically possible when copying from a Grantha exemplar. The confusion between pa and ba and that between rtha and rdha could also be the result of failure to distinguish voiced and unvoiced stops (par- ticularly when they are medial) in Tamilian pronunciation. " To the category of phonetic mistakes possible for Tamil-speakers (i.e. those who principally use Grantha script) belong the occasional confusions between ka and ga, e.g. in 4:46b 158 and 14:53b, between t and d (in 5:27b), be- tween t and d (in 2:115d), 159 between pa and bha (in 5:91a), and between tth and ddh (in 4:133d), (these four being examples of confusion between voiced and unvoiced stops of the same varga) , as well as instances of con- fusion between aspirated and unaspirated stops of the same varga, e.g. da for dha in 4:82a, 15:10c, and perhaps 5:18d. The writing of iyasa for yiyasa in 4:59c would also be a mistake typical of a Tamil-speaker, since an initial palatal vowel is commonly pronounced prefaced by a y ; but this Southern tendency is not exclusive to Tamil speakers. There are also confusions in M 1 ' that, though they might result from copying a Grantha exemplar, are also possible results of copying from other scripts: the confusion of ca and va in 4:65c. And there are also occasional confusions that are not likely to have resulted from a Grantha exemplar but that might suggest an intermediary in an early Northern script or Sarada or in the script of M v itself: con- fusion between pa and ya (4:44a, 6:36b); ta and bha (4:4d, 4:21d, 4:32a, 4:106b); confusion of nna with tra in 15:22d. Apart from these, there are of course plenty of errors that do not suggest the existence of intermedi- 156 In this instance (of maddhanat for mantfiana) ntfia was probably first mistaken for ndha . 157 I do not mean to imply that we must assume, as some do in similar cases, that the Parakhya must have been dictated at some point in the transmission that reached M . Phonetic similarities obviously colour the way we write down unspoken thoughts: are there English-speakers who have never written ‘there’ for ‘their’, or ‘hear’ for here ? 158 Emending ga to ka in this instance may not be strictly necessary. But note that it is possible that one or two of the relatively large number of compounds ending in -ga elsewhere (see p. bcxxi above) were originally compounds ending in -ka. 159 This instance belongs to a special category: see fn. 206 on p. 200 below. c Parakhyatantra aries in any particular script, a number of which will have had nothing to do with confusion about the shapes of letters or with local vagaries in pronunciation. Deviant orthography By comparison with other South Indian manuscripts that I have studied, this codex appears to be the work of a remarkably careful and accurate scribe with remarkably careful and accurate exemplars before him. Many of my emendations to the text are no more than corrections of what the scribe would probably have regarded as possible orthographies rather than as errors: for example, he not uncommonly omits a visarga before a ks, sy, sv and other initial sibilants in ligature with semi-vowels or nasals — a practice so common among South Indian scribes that it should indeed perhaps be classed as a variant orthography, 160 along with the permitted omission of the visarga before an initial sibilant in ligature with an unvoiced stop (cf. Goodall 1998:236, fn. 228). It is possible that a certain confusion about whether or not omitting the visarga before other unvoiced stops in ligature with semi-vowels is permissible may account for occasional instances where a visarga is omitted before, e.g., a pra, or, as it seems, erroneously supplied before one. 161 Another relatively common and easily detected error is the degemination of what should be doubled consonants when in ligature with semi-vowels or nasals (e.g. l:15d, 2:114a, 4:4b, 4:33c, 4:51a, 4:60d, 4:64a, 4:65a, 4:66b, 4:66c, 4:79b, 4:95b, 4:114cd, 4:124a, 5:4b, 5:9b, 5:24b, 5:57c, 5:111c, 6:22b, 14:94d) or of doubled consonants after a long vowel, e.g. in 2:34b, 2:111c, 2:113a, 4:65d, 4:85a, 4:102c, 4:126d, 6:17c, 14:2d, 14:5a, 15:15b. 162 Instances of the first of these types of degemination have been corrected silently in the case of certain words, since degemination of this kind would probably also have been regarded as acceptable orthography by the scribe. By this I mean that he would have regarded both budhya and buddhya as possible orthographies (though the first is arguably not), just as he would have seen no difference between smaryate and smaryyate (which really are 160 e.g. in 2:103c, 2:119b, 3:18c, 3:64a, 4:38c, 4:92f, 4:126cd, 4:133ab, 5:26a, 5:50b, 5:83a, 5:88e, 5:119a, 5:130a, 5:149b, 5:162c, 6:3a, 6:15c, 6:22a, 6:36a, 6:40c, 14:18b, 15:10b, 15:64b. 161 e.g. 2:119c, 3:26d, 4:20f, 4:140a, 5:28b, 5:108a. 162 Many of these concern the past-participle ujjhita at the end of a compound. Sources for the constitution of the text a both correct orthographies). But I have not silently corrected instances of degemination at the juncture of two words in a compound. By this I mean that the correction, for example, of digrahaih in 5:llld to diggrahaih is signalled in the apparatus. Transcription I transcribed by hand M v ’s text of the Parakhya from the original in the summer of 1996, and returned to Mysore to collate my typed up tran- scriptions against the manuscript in autumn 1997 (when fever prevented me) and again for a week in September 1998, but unexpected holidays meant that I had time only to collate chapters 2-6 and 14 against M v and chapters 14 and 15 against M K ’s partial apograph MS B 811. I re- turned in October 1999 and checked chapters 1 and 15 against M y , and again in October 2001 to read the other partial apograph, MS B 785, as well as to check various other small points throughout the text about which I had suspicions. Some errors will, of course, still not have been eradicated. Condition The leaves of the codex are strimg through their right-hand string-holes only. All M v ’s leaves of the Parakhya were correctly ordered and correctly situated in the codex when I first transcribed the text in 1996, but ff. 27 and 35 were broken in two by a vertical break through the centre of the left-hand string hole and f. 31 was broken in two by a vertical break about 1.5cm to the left of its centre. When I collated my transcriptions against the manuscript in 1998 I found the broken pieces not attached by the string were scattered (together with a number of other fragments now broken off from other leaves) through the codex. The leaves transmitting the Parakhya (ff. 27-35) were still internally correctly ordered in 1998, but these leaves had been removed and replaced in the codex in such a way that f. 27 was now next to f. 36 and f. 35 next to f. 26. In one or two places (parts of) some more aksaras had been lost at the edges of leaves. Parakhyatantra cii Apographs MS B 811 (catalogued by Malledevaru 1987:66 and Appendix I, p.92) is an apograph of M y covering only chapters 14 and 15 of the Parakhya. It is clearly by the same hand and copied on to the same sort of pa- per as other partial transcripts of M y , such as those of the Prayoga- sara, Rauravasutrasahgraha and Svayambhuvasutrasahgraha (B 776) and of the Kirana (B 812). 163 Like these, MS B 811 is written in a florid Kannada hand with a black fountain pen on paper water-marked ‘GOV- ERNMENT OF MYSORE’. Corrections have been made in copper-beech- coloured ink. MS B 811 comprises a single signature of 5 sheets (i.e. 10 folios of 19.5cm x 16cm) bound in pale blue buckram. On f. l r in the right-hand margin is written in the copper-beech ink ‘16.5.07’, mean- ing presumably that it was copied on 16th May 1907 AD. A stamp on the cover reads ‘oriental research institute Mysore filmed ’ Over the dots is written ‘FN 1093’. As in K 2 the colophons have been am- plified with obeisances to Rama and Krsna. The first speaker indication of chapter 14 ( prakasa uvaca) is preceded in MS B 811 by the following (f. l r t 1_2 l): // srlrainacandraya namah — // subham astu srl// atha parakhye yogapadah/ / srTkrsnaya namah// Another apograph, clearly by the same hand, covers the first six chapters of the text: MS B 785. It appears to have been written on the three days before MS B 811, for the recto of its first folio has been dated ‘||.5.07’. Corrections have been executed in pale red. Bracketed numeration has been added by a later hand — perhaps that of one of the editors of the Saivaparibhasa , for see p. cxx below — in blue ink for the first thirty-six verses, as have occasional conjectured modifications. MS B 785 was once bound in black buckram (the binding has disintegrated) in four signatures, also of five sheets, and its text begins on f. 151 r and ends on f. 189 r . On the cover it has been noted that it has been filmed (Film No. 2306). The beginning of the tantra is preceded by the following: paragamah srlsambasadasivaya namah// subham astu// srlr astu// srl/ / atha parakhyatantre -hvidyapadah-h prarabhyate / / srl// srl// +jhanapadah prarabhyate-h 163 MS B 812, the apograph of M y ’s text of the Kirana, is assigned the siglum K 2 and described in the introduction to volume 1 of the Kiranavrtti (Goodall 1998:xci). Sources for the constitution of the text cm I should perhaps have described MS B 785 before MS B 811, but I only saw it in October 2001. The existence of MS B 785 is not recorded in the same volume (Malledevaru 1987) of the descriptive catalogue as that in which M y and B are recorded (the volume which purports to deal with agama) but appears under the title Paragamah in a later volume that purports to deal with tantra (Rajagopalachar 1990:298-9 and Appendix, pp. 334-5). 164 In case others should be interested in the valuable testimony of M y , it is worth recording the three other partial transcripts of which I am aware: MS B 783, a transcription of M y, s text of the Sardhatrisatikalottara; MS B 784 of the Mrgendra ; and MS B 813 of the South Indian Pauskara. Although they are apographs of M y , MSS B 785 and B 811 have nev- ertheless been collated not only for the few extra lines and aksaras they preserve that have since been worn away at the edges of the leaves in M y , but for the whole text. It has been most useful to have somebody else’s transcription of the early MS, since its dense, miniature hand is often difficult to read. Reading it with confidence from various photo- graphic reproductions (the Oriental Institute of the University of Mysore twice kindly gave me permission to attempt to photograph M y ) proved so unsatisfactory that, as I have related, I instead made frequent trips to Mysore to verify my transcription. Deviations in B’s transcription from my own have frequently alerted me to errors, ambiguities and prob- lems. But recording throughout the apparatus what the apographs read seemed unnecessary. For the most part B differs from M y only in acciden- tal copying errors and details of orthography (homorganic nasals almost consistently replace anusvaras ), and its readings axe only relevant to the constitution of the text where M y is illegible, or where the scribe of B has consciously written something different from M y in order to emend. Since he does not mark his emendations, we cannot be certain where his deviations are willed and where accidental. My policy, therefore, has been to report B’s readings in the apparatus to the edition only where M y is 164 1 had long assumed that the two manuscripts in Mysore listed in the New Cata- logs Catalogorum (Vol. XI, p. 201) under the heading Paratantragama must be M Y and the partial apograph MS B 811; but I have recently (June 2001) been able to examine the Mysore catalogue there referred to ( Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Government Oriental Library, Mysore, 1922, p. 599) and find this is not the case. That catalogue does not appear anywhere to record the existence of M v , and the two manuscripts it lists of the Parakhya are MS B 811 and MS B 785. CIV Par akhy at antra damaged and where it seems possible to me that B has deliberately dif- fered. But in the apparatus to the unedited transcription of M y I have recorded B’s readings throughout: thus a reader who so wishes may gain an impression of its faithfulness to its exemplar and of the kinds of errors to which it is prone . 165 Even in this apparatus, however, I have sup- pressed mention of most iastances where the scribe miscopied and then corrected himself immediately (here the corrections are in black), as well as of most instances where he miscopied and corrected himself later, pre- sumably while checking his text against that of M v (here the corrections are in copper-beech red). Nor have I recorded instances where B has, for example, pahca for M y ’s pamca, or karyam for M v s karyyam, or other such purely orthographic variants. Suffice it to say that, apart from consistently preferring to write homorganic nasals where M v has the anu- svara, B generally degeminates consonants in ligature with semi-vowels that M' has geminated, and frequently alters a visarga before a sibilant to the sibilant in question. Transcription conventions The above should explain why T decided that it was not worth supply- ing images of the leaves of M ' with this edition; I have opted instead to give a diplomatic transcription of the whole, as well as an edition with a critical apparatus incorporating the readings of testimonia. The diplo- matic transcription I have tried to keep as faithful as possible, deviating from the original only in supplying verse numeration enclosed in double dandas. (In the manuscript itself there is no verse numeration and each half-verse — with very occasional exceptions — is concluded with a single danda.) I have marked the line changes of the manuscript with line num- bers in roman numerals enclosed in round brackets. Strings of aksaras of which the tops have been severed I have printed widely spaced and I have put an entry in the apparatus to draw attention to their tops be- ing missing. Gaps left by the scribe I have marked with a U. Where the gap is large, I have often marked the number of syllables for which 165 Occasionally it confuses between bha and ta, and between sra and sa, for exam- ple. Some instances of medial and final e are marked long (Kannada, unlike Sanskrit, distinguishes long and short e), a point without significance in itself but that perhaps goes some way to explaining the occasional confusions between i and T (which are distinguished from one another in the same fashion in Kannada script). Sources for the constitution of the text cv space has been left. Thus a gap left for six missing syllables is notated thus: ‘U[-6-]U\ Portions that are illegible or broken away have been in- dicated by a triple dash ( — ). Where I wished to indicate the numbei of syllables missing, I have added the number in square brackets: thus 4 [-6-] — ’ indicates that six syllables are broken off or illegible. Letters that are enclosed between plus-signs (+. . . 4*) are letters that were added subsequently, sometimes in between lines or in a margin. ‘X’s are used to bracket text that ha s been written and then in some way cancelled ( x . . . x ) . Other editorial conventions The apparatus is divided into three registers. On a page where all three registers are present, the uppermost register records testimonia and par- allels; the middle register records lacunae or passages where the tops of aksaras are damaged in the manuscript; and the bottom register records the variants. The apparatus is fully positive. Each entry is preceded by the verse number and pada letter (a, b, c and d indicate padas 1, 2, 3, and 4 respectively). There follows the lemma, printed exactly as it is printed in the textus receptus , then a lemma sign: ]. After this appears the siglum (or sigla) of the source (or sources) that transmits the tex- tus receptus , then the variants, separated from what precedes them and from each other by semi-colons, and each marked with the sigla of the sources that transmit them. A siglum with superscript ac ( ante correc - tionem) marks the reading of a manuscript before correction (e.g. M* oc ); a siglum with a superscript pc ( post correctionem ) marks the reading of a manuscript after correction (e.g. B pc ). When a reading is unmetrical, this is recorded after the siglum of the source that transmits it. No key is given for the abbreviations used in the bottom register of apparatus for the titles of the texts from which testimonia are drawn, for they have all been formed in the same way from the initial syllables of the principal parts of the names: thus SvaU stands for Svacchanda - tantroddyota, JhaRa for Jhanaratnavall , SiDT for Siddhantadlpika , etc. (A glance above at the register that records the testimonia should clear up any possible doubt.) Repairs to the text about which I feel rather little doubt, typically small and obvious corrections of common scribal errors, are marked em. CV1 Parakhyatan tra (emendation); bolder conjectures are marked conj. (conjecture). The dif- ference is of course subjective. It could be argued that in a fully positive apparatus there should be no need to signal where I have proposed im- provements to the text, but these labels do make it less easy for the reader to overlook the fact that all transmitted readings have been rejected and they enable me to give some indication of how confident I feel about each conjectural restitution. The suggested conjectures of others that have been accepted are attributed; conjectures that I have considered and not accepted (whether my own or those of others) are occasionally referred to in the annotation to the translation, but they are not recorded in the ap- paratus. Double angled brackets in the textus receptus (<3C. . . >) enclose ‘free’ diagnostic conjectures, that is to say conjectures made where the transmission is lacunose and that are therefore based rather on diagnosis of what the context appears to require than on transmitted aksaras. The verse numeration is to some extent arbitrary: for the most part the text is summarily divided up into four-pada units. Occasionally con- siderations of sense led me to introduce some six-pada verse; reflection at the last stages of editing often prompted me to introduce others, but I resisted doing so because the required alterations would have cost hours of extra work (changing the numeration of whole chapters in the edition, diplomatic transcription, pada-index and translation) and increased the risk of further errors: the effort and risk seemed not commensurate with the gain. Independent testimonia Some remarks must be made about the use of testimonia. The eight chapters that M y transmits comprise 1839 half-verses; 166 for 357 of these (a little less than one fifth) testimonia, in the form of quotations and borrowings in other works, have been traced. For tracing these, my start- ing point was the Luptagamasahgraha of Gopinath Kaviraja (1970) and Vrajavallabha DvivedT (1983). The card-index held in the French Insti- tute of Pondicherry 167 enabled me to locate many more in some published 166 Including the five not actually transmitted in M v but that are found in testimonia and have been judged to fit into M v ’s text, namely 4:101cd, 4:105cd, and 5:78c— 79. 167 This useful tool, compiled over many years principally by Messrs. R. Subramaniam and SAMBANDHAN of the IFP, contains an index of topics (principally relating to kriya), a half-verse index of a wide range of tantric works, and a small index of quotations in Sources for the constitution of the text evil South Indian works, and Professor SANDERSON kindly referred me to yet others. The remainder, perhaps a half of those identified, I have come across gradually over the last few years. There are doubtless more to be found. Almost all the quotations of portions of the text can be regarded as independent testimonies to its wording, since they have been transmitted independently in texts with entirely different transmissional histories. It should be noted, however, that there is one exception: quotations in the Saivaparibhasa derive from the edition prepared in Mysore, where the editors evidently made use of M r or of MS B 785 (see p.cxx below). Many of the South Indian texts in which I have located quotations from the Parakhya are sadly themselves so poorly transmitted that their value as testimonia is not great. The editions of the SataratnollekhinT and Isana- sivagurudevapaddhati, for example, are often garbled and evidently rest on poor manuscript evidence. But many other texts (e.g. the Siddhanta- samuccaya, the Sivajhanasiddhisvapaksadrstantasahgraha, the works of Jiianaprakasa, etc.) are yet worse served in that they have never been edited. A large number of the later (typically sixteenth- 1 and seventeenth- century) Saiddhantika works are not just very poorly transmitted, they provide no meaningful context for most of their quotations, since they take the form of strings of quotations, _ often with no interconnecting material. Into this category fall the Nanavaranavilakkattarumpatavi- vekam, the *DTksadarsa, the *Sivajhanasiddhisvapaksadrstantasahgraha, the *Sivagamadimahatmyasahgraha, the Saivagamaparibhasamahjari, the *Saivasiddhantasahgraha, the Sakalagamasarasahgraha, and the Siva- yogaratr ia. 168 Constraints of time and energy have held me back from the vast task of looking at all the manuscripts accessible to me of all the texts from which I draw testimonia. I know this to be a deficiency; but since the task would really be huge, I hope I shall be forgiven. Apart from quotations, there is one other important source of testimo- predominantly South Indian Saiddhantika works arranged by the title of the work to which they are attributed. 168 The composite character of this text appears not to have been noticed by its editor and translator Tara Michael. A cursory search enabled me to find just less than a half of the verses that make up its first and principal section in other sources, among which the Sarvajnanottara and the Devikalottara appear to be the most quoted. cv -.- Parakhyatantra nia: the eighth chapter of the South Indian Pauskara, half of which is, I believe, drawn from the Parakhya. This has to be used with some caution, because its redactor appears to have introduced clarificatory modifications here and there; but it is of immense use because two commentaries of it survive: the Pauskarabhasya of Umapati and the unpublished Pauskara- vrtti of Jnanaprakasa, of the last part of which I have made a prelim- inary edition using the three transcripts in the IFP and a manuscript from Hoshiarpur. In the annotations to my translation I have quoted extensively from these two works, and other commentarial material that expounds verses in the Parakhya. Highly valued both for their help in constituting the text and for the proof they afford of the relative antiquity of the text are the quota- tions in tenth-century Kashmirian works: Ksemaraja in his Svacchanda- tantroddyota quotes seventy-four half-verses from the Parakhya which are to be found in M v ’’s text of chapter 5; Ramakantha quotes 4:45c-46b in his Matahgavrtti ad vidyapada 12:25-27b, pp. 347-8; and Narayana- kantha quotes 4:35ab ad Mrgendravidyapada 11:11, p.281 and quotes 4:19abc 169 ad Mrgendra 2:7, p.59. The last of these is significant because Narayanakantha there attributes the quotation to the Saurahheya, which is said, e.g., in Kir ana 10:27d, to be an alternative name for the Parakhya. (Only one other exegete, Ksemaraja [ad Netratantra 13:12ab], uses this name, 170 but in this instance the verse quoted is not to be found in what transmits.) I give below a complete list of the works in which quotations from the Parakhya have been traced to date. Unless otherwise stated all quotations are attributed. Verses that appear in Appendix I are attributed to the Parakhya, but not found in the text that M Y transmits. For ease of refer- ence these verses have been roughly grouped by theme and consecutively numbered. Thus Appendix I is broken up as follows: A: 1-8 on the brahmamantras B:9-40 on snana C:41-55 on caste and dTksa D:56-77 on prayascitta E: 78-88 on creation and dissolution 169 In the Devakottai edition (p. 67) four padas are given. 170 I discount the instance in the Sarvadarsanasangraha (p. 189), since that is evidently part of a block lifted from the passage of the Mrgendravrtti just referred to. Sources for the constitution of the text cix F:89-91 on mudras G.92-4 on gurus H:95-110 on miscellaneous matters of ritual J: 11 1-14 on pranayama K: 115-20 on karman L:121-47 miscellaneous M:l-3 misattributions to the Parakhya 171 Asterisked works are unpublished to date. Of some of the less well-known of the works I have made a few remarks about dating, provenance, and transmission. *Atmarthapujapaddhati probably by the sixteenth-century author Vedajnana II (IFP MSS T.282, T.321, T.323, T.371 T.795): Ap- pendix I, verses B:12, 16—17, B:22— 4, B:26-27b, 30ab, B:37, B.38— 40, H:110, L:132-4. As DAGENS’ brief account of the text reveals (1979:7-9), the attribution and the transmission of the work are not unproblematic. The various transcripts deviate from one another enormously; in very many places quotations found in one transcript are not in the others. Isanasivagurudevapaddhati oflsanasiva: l:5cd, 1:15, 4:14, 4:15cd and Appendix I, verses G:93, H:99, H:108, L:127. This is an eclec- tic, literary Saiva ‘manual’ of ritual (it is styled Tantrapaddhati in 1.1:1) written principally in verse (in a range of metres) that quotes plentifully from a wide range of sources but predominantly from early Siddhantatantras and related Saiddhantika works. The date and place of its composition are disputed; but it is transmit- ted solely in Kerala, as are certain of the works it quotes (e.g. the PrayogamahjarT and a NarayanTya ), and so may well have been com- posed there. 172 Its author quotes from the works of Somasambhu, Ramakantha, Bhoja, and Narayanakantha, but not from the influ- ential Saiddhantika writings of the 12th-century South Indian ex- egete Aghorasiva, and from this we might be led to conclude that 171 Of course many of the other verses in this appendix may have been misattributed, but these three quotations have clearly been mistakenly ascribed. l72 The quotation (which I have not traced) ascribed to Isanagurudeva in Ananta- sambhu’s commentary on the last verse of the yogapada of the SiddhantasaravalT (verse 125, BGOML XIX. 1, p. 74) may be a non-Keralan quotation from this paddhati. cx Parakhyatan tra he could not have written much later than that Aghorasiva; but he does refer to some Siddhantas of which Aghorasiva seems igno- rant and of which the versions known to survive today appear to be relatively late South Indian redactions (e.g. Karana, Ajita). For further discussion of the author and his work, see UNNI 1987. The transmission of the text is evidently poor, for much in the edition (of T. GANAPATI Sastri) is uninterpretably corrupt. ♦Kiranavivrti of Tryambakasambhu (IFP T.1102 and IFP 47658): 4:24cd, 4:165. This unpublished commentary on the Kirana (surviv- ing only on chapters 1— 6) is of uncertain date and provenance. As I have pointed out in my brief characterisation of this text (Goodall 1998:cvii-cix), its author was late enough to know and quote from Ksemaraja’s Svacchandatantroddyota , but appears to have been ignorant of many important Saiddhantika writings (including, re- markably, those of Ramakantha II). The work is not well transmit- ted. This Tryambakasambhu is certainly not to be identified with the late twelfth-century Trilocanasiva who wrote the Somasambhu- paddhatitTka, among other works. 173 Kriyakramadyotika of Aghorasiva. Appendix I.C:53. The text in question is that published with Nirmalamani s commentary, the Prabhavyakhya. Suspicion about the authorship of the various other texts published as parts of the Kriyakramadyotika by the South Indian Archaka Association has been expressed by Goodall 1998:xiii-xvii, fn. 24, and independently by ISHIMATSU 2000:236. ♦Kriyakramadyotikavyakhya of Sadasiva (IFP MS T.962, pp. 1-56 [third numeration]): Appendix I.F :89— 91 . *Jnanar at naval! of Jnanasambhu (the author of the Sivapujastava) as transmitted in IFP T. 231 and Madras GOML MS R 14898, some of whose quotations are shared with a manuscript also purporting to transmit the Jiianaratnavali but that appears to be a manual based upon it: IFP T. 106, pp. 13-60: 174 2:84c-85b, Appendix I, verses B:9-20, B:22-25, D:56-77, L.132-4. This text is a large manual, 173 For a reasoned discussion of which works did belong and which may have belonged to that Trilocanaiiva’s oeuvre, see Goodall 2000:208-14. 174 See Goodall 2000:209, fn. 11. Sources for the constitution of the text CXI rich in quotations, by a South Indian brahmin living in Benares who was, along with the celebrated twelfth-century Saiddhantika Aghorasiva, a guru of Trilocanasiva, 176 and who therefore also be- longed to the twelfth century. Although of great interest, the text is, as BRUNNER has pointed out (ibid.), poorly transmitted. But now that further sources have come to light some scholar may feel encouraged to respond to Brunner’s exhortation (1998:lvi) to edit it. The uncatalogued manuscript in the GOML in Madras is in fact very closely related to the previously known manuscript IFF MS T. 231: the IFP transcript is evidently an apograph of it and bears, without explanation, its library number (R 14898) on its cover. Shortly before going to press, I became aware of another cor- rupt but much less closely related source in the Oriental Research Institute in Mysore: MS P. 3801, a palm-leaf manuscript in a cur- sive Nandinagari hand that is not easy to decipher. This preserves more of the beginning of the work. 177 An editor would also derive much help from testimonia, for the text is very often borrowed from and quoted in later paddhati literature. 178 Nanavaranavilakkattarumpatavivekam of Velliyambalavanasuva- mikal:* l:73c-75b, 2:lab, 2:2-3b, 2:29 (attributed to Nisvasa), 2:64c-65b, 2:71c-73b, 4:86-7, 4:95c-96b, 4:97ab, 4:98ab, 4:99ab, 4:100ab, 5:67cd, and Appendix I, verses E:78-81, E:82, E:83-4, 175 See Goodall 2000:212, fn. 22 (referring to information provided by Professor Sanderson). , lf . 176 See GOODALL 2000:209-11. For confirmation of the long-known twelfth-century dating of Aghorasiva see Goodall 1998:xiii-xvii. 177 Another hitherto unmentioned source is IFP RE 39946, a palm-leaf MS in Grantha script. This deviates very considerably from the Mysore MS in the portions I have checked 178 The relation of this text to the apparently lost BalajnanaratnavalT (or Balaratna- valT), to which we find references in the same literature (e.g. Sivadlksavidhivyakhyana T. 542, pp. 41, 43) is uncertain. The two works are mentioned together in a versified list of paddhatis at the beginning of the Atmarthapujapaddhati in such a way as to imply that they were by different authors (T. 323, p.2): klpta jnanasivena tatra guruna srTjnanaratnavati jnanakhyadimasankarena ca krta sa balaratnavalT anyah somasivena sadhu racitah satkarmakandakramo ’py uttungena sivena paddhatir iyarn namanukula krta. • racitah sat° ] conj.; racita sat 0 MS. CX11 Parakhyatantra E.87-8, L:126, L:129. This is a voluminous Saiddhantika work in Tamil, full of Sanskrit and Tamil quotations, that comments on the Nanavaranavilakkam (a work that is in turn in some sense a commentary on the Civahanacittiyar ) of Kurunanacampanta- paramacariyar, the sixteenth-century founder of the Saiva matha of Dharmapuram (Tanjore district). 179 According to the intro- duction (p. 15), Velliyambalavanasuvamikal took sivadTksa and saivasannyasa under the fourth head of the same matha, and took jhanadiksa under the fifth. 180 Tattvatrayanirnayavrtti of Aghorasiva: 2:42ab (without attribution), 2:99ab (without attribution). Tattvaprakasavrtti of Aghorasiva: 2:99ab (without attribution), 6:6ab. Tantraloka of Abhinavagupta: Appendix I.L: 125. The apparent absence of quotations of the text in the Tantralokaviveka (and of an iden- tification here of Abhinavagupta’s quotation) suggests to me that Jayaratha may not have had access to the Parakhya. DTksadarSa of Vedajiiana II (IFP MSS T. 76, T. 153, T. 279): Appendix ‘ I, verses C:41-44b, 45-8, 54-5, G:94, H:103 and 104. This is char- acterised by Brunner (1977:liii) as ‘^Publications of the Dharmapuram Adhinam often include a ‘short life of Guru- gnanasambandha’ (e.g. Mudaliar 1976:xxi-xxiv) in which a late sixteenth-century date is proposed (p. xxiii): An inscription of Krishna Maharaya Ayyan, King of Tanjore and daugh- ter’s son of Krishnadeva Raya during the times of Sadasiva Maharaya ap- pointed Tiruvarur Gnanaprakasa Pandaram as the Superintendent of the DEVADANAS OF SIKKI, VADAKUDI, ODACHERI etc. This order bears a date equal to 1561 AD. A stanza in the MAZHUVADI PURANA written by Ka- malai Gnanaprakasa records the date of the composition as Salivahana Saka 1488 (equal to 1566 AD). These two authorities prove that Gurugnana- sambandha lived about 390 years ago (in the second half of the sixteenth century). l80 It is evident that the conception of initiation here is not the classical one, nor is the hierarchy of initiations classical. For the movement away from an indispensable salvific ritual of initiation as the central point of the Saiva Siddhanta, see Goodall forthcoming B, in which Umapati’s treatment of the topic is briefly discussed, and see also Devasenapathi 1966:238ff. Sources for the constitution of the text CXlll un assemblage de citations d’origines diverses, groupees en chapitres logiquement ordonnes, mais liees entre elles pax un commentaire insignifiant. L’ouvrage aurait pu etre tres precieux pour les nombreux extraits qu il donne de textes totalement ou partiellement perdu, s’il n’etait desesperement corrompu, et ceci dans tous les mss. qu’on en connait. Dagens (1979:6-14) has discussed the oeuvre of Vedajnana II and of his guru, Vedajnana I, and established that they both lived in the sixteenth century, the latter having died in 1563 or 1564. The tr ansmiss ion of the work is indeed (pace DAGENS 1979:9) atrocious. Nadakarikavrtti of Aghorasiva: 6:14ab. *Nityadisangrahabhidhanapaddhati of Taksakavarta (Sarada MS. Bodleian MS Stein Or.d.43): Appendix I.A:l-8. 181 This is a ‘man- ual’ of fsaiva (not exclusively Saiddhantika) ritual from the Kashmir valley preserved in only one Kashmirian manuscript. It contains many lengthy quotations from a wide range of tantras. Netroddyota of Ksemaraja: Appendix I.L:124. Pauskaragama (none attributed, all in chapter 8): 2:83-86b, 3:7, 3:9- * 10, 6:5c-ll (differently ordered), 6:13c-19, 6:22-3, 6:28c-29b. For the lateness of this (probably South Indian) tantra, see Goodall 1998:xliii-xlv. All its borrowings from the Parakhya are in its eighth and final chapter, which (this and other) evidence suggests may be a secondary interpolation (see fn. 654 on p. 326, drawn from Goodall 2001a:330). In a number of cases the two commen- taries (the unpublished Pauskaravrtti of the Ceylonese Jiianapra- kasa [IFP MSS T. 110, T. 180, and T. 188, Hoshiarpur MS 4385] and the Pauskarabhasya of Umapati [not the fourteenth-century author of Tamil Saiddhantika works, for see Colas-Chauhan 2002:305-6) support different readings. Such differences have been recorded in my apparatus. 181 1 am grateful to Professor Sanderson (letter of 2.ix.l996) for drawing my attention to this passage. CX1V Parakhyatan tra *Pratisthavidhi of a Candrasekharabhattaraka (IFP MS T.370, pp. 246-302): Appendix I, verses C:41-44b and C:45. It may not be right to refer to this section of IFP MS T. 370 as a Pratisthavidhi. The reason for doing so is that after a colophon to the a ntyestividhi of Aghorasiva’s Kriyakramadyotika on p. 246, there follows more manual material, full of quotations, in which the first colophon appears to be that on pp. 299-300, which reads: iti srlmatkamalalayapuranivasicandrasekharabhattaraka- sisya-tannamadharina aghorasivadesikakriyamanarTtim avalambya pratisthavidhi[h] krtah. Prabhavyakhya of Nirmalamani (a commentary on Aghorasiva’s Kriyakramadyotika ): 2:78abc, 14:78ab, and Appendix I, verses A:8b, B:16c-17b, B:32-6, C:44c-f, C:49, H:96-8, H:110, L:130. *Bhavacudamani of Vidyakantha II (Kashmirian Nagarl MS: Jammu MS 5291): Appendix I, verses H:107, L:121-2, L:135-8. This is a commentary by Ramakantha IPs pupil on a pratisthatantra called the Mayasahgraha. For further remarks about this work see Goodall 1998:xi-xiii. The sole surviving manuscript is full of cor- ruption. Bhogakarikavrtti of Aghorasiva: Appendix I.L:123. Matangavrtti of Ramakantha: 4:45c-46b. *MrgendrapaddhatitTka of Vaktrasambhu (IFP T. 1021): Appendix I, verses A:8a-d, C:41, C:50-l, H:100. This is a commentary on a pad- dhati attributed to Aghorasiva that bases itself on the Mrgendra. I know of only one source for the text, and it is far from be- ing free of error. Along with Trilocanasiva (see below s.v. Soma- sambhupaddhatitlka) , Vaktrasambhu appears to have been a pupil of Aghorasiva and so to have belonged to the late twelfth century. 182 Mrgendravrtti of Narayanakantha: 4:19abc, 4:35ab and Appendix I, verses H:105, H:106. 182 See Goodall 2000:209-10, but for the author’s name see also fn. 97 on p. lix above. For a brief characterisation of the text see BRUNNER 1985:xxiv. Sources for the constitution of the text cxv Mrgendravrttidlpika of Aghorasiva: l:56d, 2:29-30d, 2:42ab, 2:43c- 44c, 2:79a, 2:99ab (without attribution), 4:79ab, 4:81ab, 4:112ab, 5:67cd, 5:155d, Appendix I.C:54ab (without attribution). RatnatrayollekhinT of Aghorasiva: 2:99ab (twice without attribution). Varna^ramacandrika: Appendix I, verses B:21, C:41— 2, C.49, G.92, This is a manual about adhikara largely consisting of quotations and composed c. 1600 AD (see Tamil introduction, p. 38) by Tiru- Ambaladesikendra, the seventh head of DharmapuradhTna, a Saiva matha in Tanjore district. SataratnollekhinT: 1:29, 1:35, 1:37-9, 1:43-4, l:49c-50b, l:58cd, l:59cd, l:60cd, l:68c-69, l:77c-79b, l:86-88b, l:90c-91b, l:91c-92b, 2:25- 26b, 2:29, 2:70-71b, 6:3ab, 6:6c-7b, 15:4cd, 15:5cd, 15:6c-9b. This is an anonymous commentary on the Sataratnasangraha (q.v.). As I have pointed out (Goodall 1998:xxxi-xxxii, fn. 72), the au- thor has without acknowledgement borrowed liberally from other Saiddhantika writings. His opening verses suggest that he wrote in Chidambaram, and he quotes plentifully from a number of late South Indian Siddhantatantras. The text of the commentary in the Tanjore edition (see p. iii of its Sanskrit preface) is entirely based upon the Calcutta one, and its deviations are therefore not reported in my apparatus. Sataratnasangraha of ‘Umapati’: 1:1, 2:2-3b, 2:29, 2:78. This is an anthology of verses culled principally from Siddhantatantras at- tributed to an Umapati, who is not uncommonly assumed to have been the author of the Pauskarabhasya, as well as of certain of the Tamil Meykantacattirahkal, including the Cahkarpanirakaranam, a work which dates itself to 1313 AD. The identification of these three Umapatis as one man seems to me impossible. The verses herein are attributed by the work’s commentator, and labels of attribution, which sometimes differ from those offered by the commentary, are 183 For no reason that I can determine, a number of scholars have identified the com- piler of the Sataratnasangraha with its commentator: Sivaraman (1973:37); Dagens (1979:41); Brunner (1981:122, fn. 107 and 1998:xlix); Davis (1991:92) and Smith (1996, passim). The anonymous commentator twice distinguishes himself from the compiler in the first two pages. Thirugnanasambandhan (1973:xix-xx) and Bhatt (1996:71) have recognised that they are different people. CXV1 Parakhyatantra also found in MSS of the work that do not transmit the commen- tary; but it is possible that the compiler did not himself identify his sources. Proving beyond doubt that the Sataratnasahgraha was not compiled by either the author of the Cahkarpanirakaranam or of the Pauskarabhasya is impossible, for the Sataratnasahgraha con- sists entirely of verse quotations from Saiva works. But it can, I think, be demonstrated that the Sataratnasahgraha is extremely unlikely to have been compiled by either of them, because both the range of sources drawn on as well as the range and character of ideas to which the anthology gives prominence would be untypical of either of them. Fourteen sutras that occur in a seventeenth-century Tamil trans- lation of this work (the Catamanimalai) are not in the Calcutta edition. 184 These have been traced in a manuscript (of the Sanskrit work) in the Tiruvavatuturai Matha by Thirugnanasamband- HAN (1973:xx-xxi and 113-18), and have accordingly been added, in an appendix, to the Tanjore edition of 1976. They are also to be found in other manuscripts of the work, e.g., IFP MSS T. 112 and T.804. Among these we find: Parakhya l:92c-94d (see also Appendix I.M:1). These are the sources that I can determine for the Sataratna- sahgraha: Svayambhuvasutrasahgraha 1:1-2 (1-2), 2:1 (19), 2:8 184 The Calcutta edition with the SataratnollekhinT prints a garbled version of Svayam- bhuvasutrasangraha 1:10 as sutra No. 39; but a footnote explains that the second half is not in the MSS, and has only been inferred from the commentary that follows. The same note explains that the commentary on sutras 37 and 38 is missing ( purvokta - mrgendrasutradvayasya vyakhya matrkayam nopalabhyate) . From the Tamil transla- tion (the Catamanimalai ) of Turaimangalam Sivaprakasa-Svamikal that is printed as an appendix to the edition (mula only) of THIRUGNANASAMBANDHAN (1973), it is clear that more than just this passage of commentary has dropped out. FYom the 2nd half of 39 through verse 52 in the Tamil version is not represented in the Calcutta edition. The 39th verse of the Calcutta edition (of which, as we have seen, the second half has been supplied by the editor, and of which the first pada looks as if it belongs to the tail-end of a passage of prose) is therefore to be expunged. The verses that are missing in the Calcutta edition and supplied in Thirugnanasambandhan’s appendix have here been numbered 40a, 40b, etc., following the numeration in that appendix. I have not been able to trace a source that preserves the missing parts of the commentary. Sources for the constitution of the text cxvn (26), 1:5 (34), 1:6 (35), 2:4 (36), 1:9 (40h), 1:10 (40o 185 ), 1:11-15 (40-4), 1:18 (63), 2:24 (68), 1:19 (73), 2:26 (79), 2*25 (86)* Mrgendravidyapada 1:23 (4), 1:1— 3b (9-10), 3:4c-5b (12), 2:2 (17), 4:15 (18), 7:8 (20), 7:11-12 (21-2), 9:2 (27), 10:1 (29), 8:3c-5 (31-3), 2:5-6 (37-8), 7:2 (40a), 12:32c-33f (40e-f), 5:1 (45), 5:4-5b (46-7), 10:3 (55), 7:5 (63), 5:16 (67); Mrgendrakriyapada 3:41 (11); Parakhya 1:3 (5), 2:78 (8), 2:29 (15), 2.1c-3b (16), 1. (18a), l:92c-94 (40i-k), l:91c-92b (56), l:90c-91b (57); Matahgavidyapada 3:9 (6), 4:45-8 (48-52), 4:58c-59 (69c-70); Matahgakriyapada 2:3ab (69ab), 7:40 (72); Svacchanda 10.1263c-1264d (24); Kirana 3:10 (13), 3:26cd (28), 2:2-4 (40b-d), 2:7 (40g), 5:6c-7b (59), 4:13cd and variant from 4:20 (60), 2:31c 32b (87), 6:20 (88), 6:19 (89); Sardhatrisatikalottara 23:5 (76); Sarvajhanottara, adhvaprakarana 204 [last verse], IFP MS T. 334, p. 76 (54); Nisvasakarika, jhanakanda 32.81c-82b, IFP MS T. 17A, p. 236 and IFP MS T.127, p.270 (74), jhanakanda 33, IFP MS T.127, p. 283 (77 and 81), jhanakanda 26, IFP MS T. 127, p. 257 (85), jhanakanda 61, penultimate verse, IFP MS T.127, p.493 and IFP MS T. 150, p. 31 (91); DevJkalottara 18 (80); Moksakarika 111 (75). The following I have not been able to trace: Devyamata (3, 71, 90); 186 Visvasarottara (7, 23, 30); Mrgendra (14); Sarvajnanottara (54); Nisvasakarika (58, 65-6); Parakhya (61-2); Kalottara (73); unknown (26 [similar to Ratnatrayaparlksa 72], 401 [similar to Ratna- l85 This verse is omitted by Thirugnanasambandhan 1973 but included in IFP MS 186 Professor Sanderson tells me that this is another name for the M'sVasaprati?th 5 tantra that is transmitted in a few old palm-leaf MSS 41A5 MS 5-446 (NGMPP, Reel No. A 41/13) and MS 1-279 (NGMPP, Reel Nos. A / and A 42/1). CXV111 Parakhyatantra trayapanksa 82c-83b], 40m [similar to Ratnatrayapariksa 84c-85b] , 40n, 78, 82-4). As far as one can judge from his selection, the theology of the com- piler seems to have been that of the classical Saiva Siddhanta. A very heavy emphasis is placed on the path to moksa consisting of saktipata and dTksa, and this theme occupies verses 45 to 73. None of these verses expresses the doctrines of the author of the Pauskara- bhasya , nor are there verses drawn from some of the scriptures which one would most expect the Pauskarabhasya to cite. There are none, for instance, from the Pauskara itself, and the non-dualist Sarva- jhanottara , upon which the author of the Pauskarabhasya heavily relies to support his position, is represented by a single verse assert- ing the indispensability of dTksa for attaining liberation ( Sataratna - sahgraha 54). As for the Umapati accredited with authorship of a number of the Tamil Meykantacattirahkal , he too is, I think, un- likely to have compiled this anthology, since his positions too on the liberated state and how it is reached seem incompatible with the the- ology the Sataratnasahgraha appears to support. Bhatt (1996:70), who actually suggests that the ascription of the Sataratnasahgraha to the same Umapati who wrote the Pauskarabhasya is improbable, on the grounds that the conceptions of the liberated state in the two works are discrepant, 187 suggests, however, that the Sataratna- sahgraha is closely parallel to the centum of Tamil verses attributed to Umapati called the Tiruvarutpayan. He observes that the themes of both works are treated in the same order and he goes so far as to suggest correspondences between groups of verses in each work (1996:72): Sa tar a tnasahgraha Tiru varu t pay an This correspondence of themes, which I do not in any case find 187 Tiruvarutpayan (74-5) characterises the liberated state as neither non-dual nor dual. 7-17 18 19-33 34-70 71-8 79-91 1-10 11-20 21-30 31-70 71-90 91-100 Sources for the constitution of the text cxix particularly close, is, I think, the coincidental result of the author of each work indepently choosing to treat first the familiar Saiva topics of pafci, pasu and then pasa, and then following this exposition with a discussion of liberation and the means to attain it. But the manner of the treatment of these themes seems to me not in the least similar: dlksa, for instance, which appears in 7 sutras of the Sataratnasahgraha , is not mentioned once in the Tiruvarutpayau . Sivajnanabodhavrtti of Jiianaprakasa: 1:43-4. This is a short San- skrit commentary on the Sivajhanabodhasutra by the Ceylonese Jnanaprakasa of SalivatT (in Jaffna). Sivajnanabodhasangrahabhasya of Sivagrayogin: l:94a-d, 2:2-3b. This is Sivagrayogin’s shorter Sanskrit commentary on the Siva- jhanabodhasutra. Sivajnanabodhopanyasa of Vedajnana II, also known as Nigamajnana- desika: 2:78abc (without attribution). This is a short sixteenth- century Sanskrit commentary on the Sivajhanabodhasutra currently being re-edited and translated by Dr. T. Ganesan of the French Institute of Pondicherry. *Sivajnanasiddhisvapaksadrstantasangraha of Vedajnana II, also known as Nigamajnanadesika (IFP T. 317, pp. 968-1118, and IFP MS T.533, pp. 197-224, which is incomplete and has only a few of the quotations listed below): 1:15, 1:39, l:73c-75b, l:82ab, l:83ab, l:92c-93b, l:93c-94d, 2:lab, 2:2ab, 2:3, 2:15cd, 2:29, 2:70-71b, 2:96, 4:35ab, 4:96c-97b, 4:98ab, 4:99ab, 4:100ab, 4:101ab, 4:101c-102b, 4:103ab, 4:104-5, Appendix I verses E:83-6, K:115-20, L:126, L:129, L: 139-45. This is an anthology of verses culled from Siddhanta- tantras and from Saiddhantika works compiled to provide corrob- orative authorities for the statements of the svapaksa section of Arulnandi’s Tamil commentary (the Civahanacittiyar) on the Siva- jhanabodhasutra. For Vedajnana IPs sixteenth-century date and oeuvre, see Dagens 1979:6-14. *SivadTksavidhivyakhyana (IFP MS T. 542): Appendix I. A: 3c-5. An anonymous commentary on a SivadTksavidhi. *Sivapujapaddhativyakhyana (IFP MS T. 962, 1st and 2nd pagina- tion): 14:78ab, and Appendix I, verses A:8b, H:95, L:130. cxx Parakhyatantra £ivapujastavavyakhya: 2:44—60, 6:6ab, 15:69, Appendix I, verses H:96-8, H:101-2. This is an anonymous commentary transmitted in a number of South Indian manuscripts (e.g. IFP MS T.962, 3rd pagination) on the Sivapujastava of Jnanasambhu, the author of the *JhanaratnavalT(q.v. above). Although the commentator’s name is not known, he identifies himself as the great-great-grandson of the Trilocana&va who wrote the SiddhantasaravalT (q.v.). 188 S^ivayogaratna of Jnanaprakasa: 2:70c-71b (unattributed), 15:69. Saivayogasara of Jnanaprakasa: 2:70c-71b, Appendix I.L:146. *6ivagamadimahatmyasangraha of Jnanaprakasa (IFP MSS T.281, T. 372, T. 1059): Appendix I.C:41-2, C:54-5, G:92. This is a ni- bandha of quotations from Siddhantatantras and other Saiddhantika material compiled by the Ceylonese Jnanaprakasa. The transmis- sion of the work is not good. The quotations attributed to the Parakhya found in one source are not always to be found in the others. Siv&grabhasya of Sivagrayogin: 1:94a— d and Appendix I.C.43c— 44b. This is Sivagrayogin’s long Sanskrit commentary on the Sivajhana- bodhasutra. Sivagrayogin has been shown, on the basis of informa- tion given in the opening verses of his Saivasannyasapaddhati, to have written in the sixteenth century. 189 Saivaparibhasa of Sivagrayogin: 1:15, 1:19-20, 1:22-3, 1:29, 1:31-5, 1 :94a-d, 2:70, 6:6ab (without attribution), 14:78-79b, and Ap- pendix I.C:43c-44f. This is an independent prose work character- ising Sivagrayogin’s Saiva Siddhanta. Unless otherwise specified, I refer always to the Mysore edition, which was the sole source of the Madras edition. The fact that the Mysore editors give verse numeration for the quotations from the early part of chapter 1 of the Parakhya (e.g. on pp. 44 and 47) shows that they had access to an independent text of the work. The readings and the lacuna they report on p. 53 for the quotation of Parakhya 1:29—35 and that they 188 See Goodall 2000:212. 189 This was observed by S. Anavaratavinayakam Pillai in his introduction to the Civanerippirakacam (1936, pp.vii-viii) and later (apparently independently) by R. Ramasastri (1950, pp. 9-12 of the bhumika to his edition of the Saivaparibhasa). Sources for the constitution of the text cxxi attribute to a manuscript in Mysore (atra hastalikhitaparakhyapu- stake) show that the manuscript they had before them was M v or the apograph MS B 785. I suspect the latter, since I suspect that one of the editors was responsible for adding the verse numeration and the occasional conjectured modifications in blue ink to the text of MS B 785 (see p. cii above). The quotations in this work are thus not wholly independent of M v . S§aivasannyasapaddhati of Sivagrayogin: Appendix I, verses B:21, B: 39-40, L:131. *6aivasiddhantasangraha (IFP MS T. 46): Appendix I, verses B: 22c- 23b, B:26-31, B:37, J:1 11-14. This is a paddhati made up of quo- tations of (predominantly late) scriptures and of other paddhatis. ^aivagamaparibhasamanjarl of Vedajnana II: 1:5, Appendix I.L:126. Sakalagama(sara)sangraha: Appendix I.B:16c-17. This is a South In- dian Saiddhantika anthology of quotations culled from (principally late) Siddhantatantras and paddhatis relating to temple worship. The work is transmitted (as are a few other works of the same and similar titles) in a number of South Indian manuscripts (e.g. IFP T. 199, 246, 351, and 374) and has been published by the South Indian Archaka Association (Madras, 1974). *Sarvajnanottaravrtti of Aghorasiva (Grantha MS: IFP 47818): l:5cd, 1:15c, 1:43-4, 2:42ab (without attribution). For remarks on the transmission of this work see GOODALL 1998:lxi. *Sarvamatopanyasa’s appendix IFP MSS T. 284, pp. 1-23 and 23- 30 (and T.801, p.1-23, disregarded because it is copied from the same source as T. 284): 15:2, 15:4-8, 15:9ab, 15:10, 15:14, and Appendix I, verses C:52 and C:54-5. The Sarvamatopanyasa is a doxographical work in slokas that covers a handful of ri- val doctrines, concluding with the gaivamata. After its simple colophon (iti sarvamatopanyasah sampurnah) there follows an ap- pendix of confusingly labelled quotations, among which a few are from Parakhya 15. This is concluded, on p. 30, with the fol- lowing pair of verses: iti sarvamatasthanam uktva siddhantam aditah/ pascad aghorasisyena sarvatmasambhuna mayaf / saivanam CXX11 Parakhyatan tra samayasthanam saivasiddhantadTpika/ sadasivapadasthena cittena samudlrita/ / iti sam. There then follows the familiar (because pub- lished, albeit with the title Siddhantaprakasika) Siddhantadlpika of Sarvatmasambhu, which is either the text referred to in the verse just quoted, or a quite different work that merely happens to fol- low and happens also to be called Siddhantadlpika and to be by a Sarvatmasambhu. This seemed to me a remote possibility before (see Goodall 2000:208, fn. 8), and I now think that it can def- initely be excluded because of the evidence of a fragmentary and disordered text of the Sarvamatopanyasa that is transmitted in an uncatalogued MS in the GOML in Madras: MS R 16820 (pp. 14- 16 of 2nd pagination, pp. 1-8 of 2nd pagination, and pp. 1-12 of 3rd pagination). This MS has not been mentioned hitherto because it does not have the quotations from the Parakhya ; but it does have the beginning of an appendix tagged on after the final verse of the Sarvamatopanyasa , and in the beginning of this appendix there is an explicitly labelled reference to an identifiable statement in the Siddhantadlpika of Sarvatmasambhu. 190 It therefore now seems probable to me that the quotations of the Parakhya belong to a pas- sage interpolated by someone other than Sarvatmasambhu between the Sarvamatopanyasa and the Siddhantadlpika , which were once strung together by Sarvatmasambhu when he added his Siddhanta- dTpika to an already existing Sarvamatopanyasa. The above quoted verses leave open the possibilities that the latter was a composition of his own or of his guru’s or of someone else. The presentation of different views in the Sarvamatopanyasa is relatively sophisticated in comparison with that of the Siddhantadlpika , and this consider- ation makes the first possibility seem least likely. * Siddhantadlpika of Madhyarjuna (IFP MSS T. 112 and T. 284): 2:44, 2:90cd. This is a catechistic prose work with plentiful quota- tions from late South Indian Siddhantatantras (e.g. from the Ajita , Makuta, Santana , and Vatulasuddhakhya ), which a final verse as- cribes to an abbot of a matha in Tiruvitaimarutur (the Sanskrit name of which is Madhyarjuna). The author also quotes (without 190 Cf. p. 32 (of DvivedI’s edition) with the following (from p. 10 of 3rd pagina- tion of the MS): atha sarvatmasambhuviracitayam siddhantadTpikayam pasupatamate ana«Cva»maian nasti Sources for the constitution of the text cxxiii always identifying the source he is quoting) the Siddhantasamuccaya of Trilocanasiva. *Siddhantasikhamani of Jnanaprakasa (Grantha MS: IFP 10871): Appendix I.A:8a-d. This is an independent prose work by the Cey- lonese author of the Pauskaravrtti presenting the tenets of the Saiva Siddhanta. ^Siddhantasamuccaya of Trilocanasiva (IFP T.284, pp. 127-74, IFP T. 206, pp. 57-111, Madras GOML MS R 14394, and GOML MS R 16820, pp. 1-14 in last sequence of numeration): 1:15, 2:1, 2:25— 26b, 2:42ab (without attribution), 2:79a, 2:99ab (without at- tribution), 3:74-6, 4:69, 5:153cd, 6:3ab, 6:5c-6d, 6:26-29b, 6:60-4, 6:67-68b, and Appendix I.C:43c-44f. This text, still in line with the old Saiva Siddhanta, is a useful source of quotations, many of which, since they axe not all part of a common stock of verses found cited in many works, this author seems himself to have chosen (unlike the compilers of, for example, the Sivajhanasiddhisvapaksa- drstantasahgraha and the Nanavaranavilakkattarumpatavivekam, whose shared errors — e.g. in their quotations from the beginning of Parakhya 2 — suggest that they may not have selected their quo- tations independently). The other sources he cites are all early: old Siddhantas (predominantly Mrgendra , Matahga , Kirana , Sarva- jhanottara , Parakhya , Svayambhuvasutrasahgraha , Rauravasutra- sahgraha , Mohasurottara [e.g. on p. 143]), and works such as that of Somasambhu (e.g. on p. 174) and those of the Astaprakarana. His conclusion (T.284, p. 174) tells us that he was the head of a matha in Sitaranya (a Sanskrit translation of the Tamil toponym Tiruvenkatu) . He may also have been the author of the Siddhanta - saravall and of the commentary on the Somasambhupaddhati (q.v. below). 191 Sadly this work is badly transmitted. Siddhantasaravallvyakhya of Anantasambhu: l:93c-94d, 14:78-80, Appendix I.L:132-4 and H:104. This is a commentary on Trilocana- siva’s Siddhantasaravall , a Saiddhantika ‘manual’ (though, like the Tantraloka and the Isanasivagurudevapaddhati , it is actually a lit- erary work and not simply a handbook of instructions), of which there are numerous South Indian manuscripts. See Goodall 2000:213-14. CXXIV Parakhyatantra Siddhantasutravrtti of Sadasivasivacarya: l:93c-94d, 14:78-79b, and Appendix I, verses C:44c-f. This is a short Sanskrit commentary on the Sivajnanabodhasutra. * Somasambhupaddhatitlka of Trilocanasiva (IFP T. 170, described by BRUNNER 1998:li— lii, and GOML MS R 14735): 2:1c, 2:42ab (without attribution), 2:99ab (without attribution), 3:68c, 14:78ab, 15:10c-f, and Appendix I, verses A:8b, H:95, L:130. Judging from their shared range of quotations, both this commentary on the Somasambhupaddhati and the Siddhantasamuccaya may be the work of the same author. Trilocanasiva probably belongs to the late twelfth century, for he appears to have been a disciple of Aghorasiva and of Jnanasambhu, the author of the JnanaratnavalT and of the tfivapujastava . 192 Svacchandatantroddyota of Ksemaraja: 5:16c-18b, 5:19-31d, 5:38a- d, 5:42ab, 5:44ab, 5:45cd, 5:47ab, 5:48cd, 5:50ab, 5:51c-f, 5:66b, 5:71-72b, 5:73, 5:74c-75, 5:77, 5:79-82a, 5:82c-84, 5:85cd, 5:86c- 88b, 5:89ab, 5:89d-90b, 5:108, 5:134ab, 5:135ab. 193 I cannot conclude this discussion of quotations attributed to the Parakhya without an apologetic remark about my treatment of the quotations from portions of the text not transmitted by M y and so relegated to Appendix I. They are presented, in most cases, without translation or explanatory annotation, and it is certainly true that much more work could have been done on them. Housman’s remarks on Lucilius reinforced my lazy reluctance to continue puzzling over them: 194 The truth is that the difficulties of the text of Lucilius are for the most part inexplicable and its corruptions for the most part irremediable. What more than anything else enables the critic and commentator of an ancient author to correct mis- takes and to elucidate obscurities is their context; and a frag- ment has no context. An editor of Lucilius or Ennius or Nonius or the Reliquiae scaenicae, unless he is grievously self-deluded, l92 See Goodall 2000:208-11. 193 I have here clubbed together consecutively numbered verses; Ksemaraja has not necessarily quoted them together in these blocks. 194 From Housman’s ‘Luciliana’, The Classical Quarterly I (1907), as quoted in Hous- MAN 1981:103. Sources for the constitution of the text cxxv must know that the greater number of his corrections, and of his explanations also, are false. There is a simple test, if he cares to use it. The bulk of Lucilius’ fragments is preserved to us by Nonius only: take Nonius’ citations of an author whose works survive, try to explain or emend them, and then compare your efforts with the author’s text. I have not attempted the kind of test HOUSMAN describes, although it could certainly be tried using citations in, for instance, the *DTksadarsa. But the bitter-sweet discovery of part of B (Mysore MS B 785) at a point when I thought that I had nearly finished my edition gave me a taste of the experience he speaks of: only occasionally had I correctly inferred the sense of the small fragments missing from the tops of folios in M Y that I subsequently found to be transmitted in B (e.g. in 5:131d-132a), and not one of the restitutions proposed by myself or by friends stylistically plau- sible as the restitutions seemed— was confirmed with the discovery of the apograph. In other words, even when equipped with the context, patching together the sense and wording of damaged passages of the Parakhya has proved not to be straightforward; raising the stakes by removing the con- text must make it yet more difficult. The following edition and annotated translation of the chapters of the Parakhya transmitted by M y may seem to some a monument of incaution, but I am not so recklessly incautious as to plunge myself into the task of elucidating all its fragments as well, at least not for the moment. TEXT ii d^prii II 5TW: T^T: II * H HMrphr f^T sit^tr; i 3T*h fF^TFT sTFT a rt l d : n «i ci : M c*i v II ? II d ■> H d TTcTT $TFT ff% ^ I TT^pTT: d“ ^dl^ Tc^T dtR" FfZ - TT: II ^ II d^-^l IJ llcM^M'dd I mRuih^ f%^npji^toii 3 II ^Icdd^dH^dP^Pd^d + Kd^ I dilPb^Pri'Mi cl4" 'ijddldiPid '• T TWII * II [TO TOPJt: ] Hd l ^dg ^ Pd 4M fWR; fTFT H 4 1 P'd d I : srnTpgrr f^rr d)PH*iP*P<* i P-Trm -ii * n 3. $1 h d d P^dWTTO ti 1 «i i cH •) "i 'Ji *i I Mpui l dlf # Hl-j quoted in Sataratnasangraha as verse 5, p. 12. 5. TOW 0 Mdl*$TO5 7 ftrfe 3Tf^RTOI^r 'PP.TT Ms. A (unmetrical) ) I 'T^WWtT Pt^il qlPi^nhP.^iPn'ii I ffr^ sfq-(^ Mss.B.C )tTVT TO TTOlt: d^lPdl : I SaivaparibhasamanjarT 5: 10- 11b, p. 203. 5cd. TSf: HmT^A PraT -*il fd Hf? I P-H H I I ?% ’sfrTOTTT^ 1 Jsanasivaguru- devapaddhati Vol. 3, p. 21. Quoted also (prefaced by SpT) in Aghorasiva’s Sarvajnanottaravrtti ad ‘vidyapada’ 2:4-5, IFP 47818 p. 56. 1 a. TOT5T ] Odd l pKMI ? TO: II II TOT9T M y 3 b. H^T° ] SaRaSari; TO- 5T“ M y 5 a. fdl4fl^r+i': Sp^f SSp^fa^dw: I t^TTW: T2(Pff S^ff illRh^^rllfH'i : II vs II ?TT H^jiil^^lMI -H r<4 <1 1 dt I Ffrr *vrt sfwTW iwrw: srfwr stt: ii c n znr f^ddl'C^dt HMrJllHlPHJiN ^ : I d r+ 1 4^4 I MH I ■Ml ffl •Ml P'l t-i$i d> : II \ II ^TT H H+> -q | if ) 3T : y M -M I J 1 1 Ri ^ ^TT : I m^r fr 41ii^anr. w glwarw: n *o n [oyi^l-MUiirH ] o^ i ^ -q- uddl'Nl <|r»?ra U||Pi^l f^nitwfT ^ "m i 4 s ! j 1 1 4 f4 <$*4 n ^ ii 3$ i -a ft ST’grt sirrfr f%iw: finnl s^rr: i 6 b. ddceh^fdd-MHI ] conj. Isaacson ; rT^ M' 7 a. - ] B ; — [-5-]— gr^T - M y 7 b. S^° ] conj. ; ^*1^4° M y 10a. ° Pt»q i 4|J r: ] era.; °f^TFTtn‘ M y 11 c. M-idl-Wl?, < ] conj. Isaacson; T- ■jdf’fl t U M y ; “dl+41 +*T+ B (insertion in blue ink) 12 b. 0 ] conj. Isaacson; ■HHmi.gjd ° M y 13 ab. n i H II ^ II [^T^FTrTfrniT: ] S*T faPyiEt «^FT»^ J id : I y | um M JJK ^PTt qri'ii^R^M^'l ^H l Pw r swrarer: Tf : II ?V9 II rr^- tpr ; ?T M J M r*r y + rST: MH < i<5Pld I {ai^PcHHI^l I r T 7T^ ^ ftP^II ^ I' iJcTFlt sfr ^FTM^TW: I sr^tTPr ?rspt tfH'l sfr ^"ii n 15 sTlMcMf lsfr ’P S^fffr strrfr fafw: H^THt S^T: I faPd^ S T : i ^ r - I Siddhantasamuccaya of Trilocanasiva, IFP MS T.206, p. 90; Saivaparibhasa, (Mysore) p. 44; SivapQjastavavyakhya p. lo (introduced by Mfl^T ); givajtenasiddhisvapaksadrstantasahgraha, IFP T. 317, p. 1140. Also quoted (prefaced by parakhye ca) in a corrupt form in Manativagurudevapaddhati, Vol.3, p. 22. It also appears as the 18th sutra of the Sataratnasarigraha. The second half alone is quoted by Aghorasiva in his Sarvajnanottaravrtti ad vidyapada 1:20, IFP 47818 p. 41. 19-20, 22-3. l^rTg- TfTTTTfef 'hIhcmI'tk.m *,i wdl : • “(Pau 4:61c-71b] lJrn^T SfT I dftjflfc t ticfr sthrr tft sftrMT s^nr: i arnt zw^r. ^rf^rr ^ d i H4 i fc«H ?re»n- m T^W 15 c. 1 SaRaSari, SiSa, SaiPaBha, SaJnaVr, SiPuStaVya Si JhaSva- DrSah: x t 7kT° M v 15 d. 1 SaRaSari, SiSa, Sai PaBha , SaJnaVr , SiPuStaVya, Si JriaSvaDrSari ; fef Wj M y 17 b. ft ftlgt gl^T- 5T: ] conj. ; M^fTPfmrT: M y (unmetrical) ; f^P' M ' J|d: ^ 17 c ‘ UNH Tltl em.; M y 17 f. &T S*TW*T: ] conj.; gglr« rcm\M 18 a. ] W x 3Tx U^TT M y 18 c. *ST^THT%W ] conj. ; VTcT M y * *rat 4r sfcnpff i 3RT SRRT: !JHMrVHH 4Y STTcT: : II II y dlfw I ^cRrg'TrT: TfTWTMw: II ^ II SRTTT I dlr-MlPd+MWT dMs£ d^P4^T I MpuiiHTdii^i m f^firsrr 'jw 'prern ^ n 3Rrwrr 4t s^^rrI - dmwr ddmPy i *fr sfWT Wit HJPddH fw ^diyPd'4dH II ^ II fWRTWT sTR- d^wrwfwd': I Heft MRT T TRTfrjII R* II W dr+i4 J]U|r4d W ^5tf4rf ^r: I 5T# ^RrNRTHPtw^WFr PdPd P^d,^' II ^ II sq^TTFf £7*RT W vr| H I ^ ^ : I 3TRW5qftmnw w ijcrriw %• Rtii ^ n d^PWRwfr 4%WRPT: HW I ^1^4 ReTt ildldl cPT HT I sf^tt irf ^rr s;pRTfr dinjtttw- PuldH I Saivaparibhasa, (Mysore) pp.45-7. 20 a. 0 41 (jl 1 4| ] M y ; 41^ 3TST SaiPaBha; W^T f>J ^ SaiPaBha(vl) 20 c. “frRT: 'pTl^ffJH'd ] M y , SaiPaBha-, 'pinR-d SaiPaBha(vl ) 22 a. qirni ° ] SaiPaBha; 4IHI ° M y 22 d. 'pw l pW ] SaiPaBha; M v 23 a. 3T^TRt ] conj. ; 3RTHTT M y ; 3F*T t ITT SaiPaBha 23 c. ' M y ; SaiPaBha 23 c. Pjf^TT ] M y ; SaiPaBha 24 c. conj. Isaacson; H7IT M y 24 cd. °>H^MIdT%rr i =r dc+^^r dt^r sn^rrsr Pi^d ad Sataratnasarigraha 18, p. 33. 29, 31-5. HflddUldiJ 1 ^ - — fwtt $TFP *mV» T H^T I T dcddKd dRq- StMiiiH fdT^TlI *TT r^TT dlddT Stfffr d I Pq n d «l I I 5l>TW W HT d dctt'JII'dJlcTT H%rTII cTrW^T ftRtT *TT d^W: I fWTT ^ ^TTjn^TW II ^TT Pdd l Pd T ^TT H Id-Id) o^Pl^ I d -Ml TUI*rr] SaiPaBha ; fV^H 0 M y 33 a. dTOT ] M y ; ^TT SaiPaBha 33 d. *HTRTrT: ] conj. Isaacson ; •STTWd: M y ; ^If^d: SaiPaBha 34 cd. ] om. SaiPaBha 35 a. dr^dd*-M ] M y , SaiPaBha; d^ld^*-^ SaRaU(vl); dj{!d - J l*-M SaRaU (unmetrical) 35 d. ] M y , SaiPaBha; >jftr SaRaU 36 c. *T- W] conj. Isaacson; *T.: M y (unmetrical) 37 a. 1 conj.; ^^ll-n 1 0 M y , SaRaU 37 b. ^fd" : ] M y ; sfr sff nf^T: 3aRal/ 37 cd. ] M y ; om. SaRaU yw: y^T: vs snjrff #rrfw *4*r ^ i ?Tcr W fa?l^ l f* r f^gTTT^Ttwril II [ ^ I rHH i «§dPT] SRTtT ^TTI 31 IcH HI Rh^R^ T F^TcTT: f^IcTT: I H^‘«^R=W» HlWd ^T: yT: SiJiiaSvaDrSan ; dqrJ y§* &aRaU 39 d. fa^cqiTl^q^l'n ] M v , tfaRaU; f^cel^^hfrRTJT SiJnaSvaDrSah 40 c. ] conj. Isaacson ; U M y c; W ^ cfPT H+Hfr'sr: d I Td dJ I ^RTOTTII *3 II d^Pd^ T ii|M^+rir T Tl PddJiPddJiPdH i it R JTcfr st^rrfrw: h ** n Hold d<(iq I Srf^JT d I dd I ’FTdl’ *1l4d : FTT falcTT d d I fww ftw FT# *TT fw ^ TT: 3*TFTII ** II y-+>15T I 3W: FRfcTt sqvf ^TRf SPddJWHI'jU": I Id«y irHI dfd4il »T TRTPpcT: II II fR^JTTT H%?T d^HlddJI^pdHdlfdd dT I d d l ed FT fd d y I (d fW9T W Pldl^dJI *V9 II ^tRq- dT ddddf dT cRT ^TFFW: I ?mr ftt *r ft4rtii yc n ttrRsT T ^5T: HJlPvKKMId^d': I f^RTPTT FT^fr g^l- 5TFT3R?ni II 49c— 50b. fWdldi d4d) JJS?T Xd'*d4 I 5f Trf^rT fT ddl-e^dd-M ^ qqr^T «RTT: ll ad Sataratnasarigraha 18, p. 34. Also cited (without attribution) in chapter 3 of the Saivaparibhasa, (Mysore) p. 60. 43 c. ? rTRT] M y , SaRaU; d" 31 5T 3dTTI dHMIrHH': d - dt TFT: Hfl'Ni^PsJfafadd : I zrfr w t di^kni^ijft t d^-odi 11 11 Hl^dl^fafafa^ cTFT tffa>4r CW'td ’ MfgendravrttidTpika ad vidyapada 7:2. 50 a. T dlR-cf B" ] M y , SaRaU, SaiPaBha ; SaRaU(vl) 50 a. 5-0 ] M v ; SaRaU, SaiPaBha 50 d. dt sR-H-M) ] conj .; MlR-H-Ml M v 51 cd. ff^rnY SMI'fd : ] conj.; ci?id : STTflcT— M v (the right half of the final aksara is missing) ; cl ^ I J I * M I ^>c1 0 B 52 b. tci ism 1 0 ] conj. ; ^ld»l M 53 b. dfa 0 ] em . ; STfifT 0 M v 54 c. dcdt d d<&4T ] conj . ; cl HI I d cl<4 — M y (rightmost portion broken) 57 d. 4>cdcl ] B ; rs - M v TTT^ J I rl H I cTc^fafT f^RsTTT TTTRTRWII II ssTpr^r: h^mPh^^h-; I 3TT|Wtf?r dHIrHMH^d' f^wf^TII *\ II 3U^dWpd4 f^F'FdT'T I ijfc ^ PTTcT fWr^ *lRr>*iiqdMI \* II ^rr 5lfWT: ^jeFRTT HT PTTr^WcTT vlPridi^dT I qir cTcT fWcT ^ d^feFft II W II ^ ri -i| M PM' d+'HIdP^^' *d i ( t +KwiM«ifas^ii ^ » qfw-jf^l^V' *HT>iPd HT STfWT: Hl<*> ftVdT Md- I w: d^iHII II H^Prl^q fr WTW dTT: aiPr,qH^: I ^T dcM H T ffr T JT^II II ^r1 l ^^^r j diPi1 I T IT 3IW ^ dTTT^dT Tc^T: II II 65 a. HI Id ] conj. ; HT M r 68 c— 69. ?TVT cT^ — - „ H^r^- *Tcr: I y^Pd^ ^ ^ *^ T ^ r -" cTcST^ f^F T I ad Sataratnasarigraha 18, p.35. 63 d. gW:^fTcTTT] em, g*T*T M" «^ b - conj. Isaacson ; M* 66 d. l conj. ; JW M rmmwi conj.; *<«M*n«n?r M y 68c.H**T*j M , ^RaU, SaRaU(vi) 69 b. *TT: ^1^1^ : ] M y ; *T*: Hr^T^T: UaU; MiqTT3P sfr f^F 'pTTrTpF^I 3T ?TW cRT YdK^SL ^ 3T WTII V9* II fl y y K I J Id I d M i ti'S-niii ^HiRidid I H^ l Pd^Pd?IHldH-M f^RWII II dow^ljj tfftiwut s^mi • i 73c-75b. pardkkiyattil d^urfdPq iJcTHT $9'd7T I ?fY dcdd-dcl MT^Y <*.*^ 115 ^ irfYcTII ^r^r^^lum i -Mifci di^^iTd: JhPdd i >jYj ff parwrf w fY 5 ^: ^phr»rYii ^PaP+dcd-dd l Vld (jwj||gfdcl NaViVi; f7*fY SiJnaSva- DrSari533 74 d. “dcT: ] M y ; °JTpT : NaViVi, SiJnaSvaDrSan 75 a. ^ Pd fd%TTdt dt] M y ; ^ ’ ■dpq T NaViVi; 'jYf ^TT%T giJnaSvaDrSari 75 b. ^dfd*Jd^d% ] M y ; *JT: +|47 T»tY NaViVi, SiJnaSvaDrSah 76 a. YP- 8TT° ] conj. ; ?TTOT 0 M y 76 b. g^lRfdlH ] conj. ; ^RTfTRT M y 76 d. «T- ] conj. Isaacson ; °T 3 T M v ST*PT: T R?T: 44 1 ^41 : ^ft: II W II tT^FT '-fK'1 t-i H Pd t-d d cTt^TTW H 4«rr d iTdcl %4t Wrwr^rftf^cr: II V9<^ II 4>Hl ' 3 »TT TRTTT fW 4 H d 14 d < I P^'cTT I ^4tT: ?N-«4‘»%i' WFTII qo II jRfrr i SrffYw HcTT ^ cR*pr4cT: I K l PUf q- Pd Pd 4 Pf7 cRT rr^^rtw: II q* II 5RTT7T 3RTT I 77c— 79b. fTOT — ^Ty^PTl^Tt: « M I H JJ'JI Vfl H -Ml : I 9Ki«**ifTit4i ncK4^yp pr ^ 4 fw fwfYr: ] conj . ; fwf?T: M r ; <*>*4^1 fWtf: ^iJnaSvaDrSari V* TOW rT^r 3nf^JTr%' ^IVUl II qq II ^rH^NV rTcT 'jwt I qR-H^ I ^H^PcH^ f%ufWT: TOT dTOT TO%TOII c;^ II 86-88b. rTVT fT^T — dri^j*i^TM =gr y <1 m P- n H h^ *rtti f^f: fFT ?! I H ^"TT sfr %frT rTcT II \9 II fefg^n%r *r at^rf m i Ih d uh m; i ^ twr f^rrfr Jit^rwii 11 3T9rWJr^TcT F^cff ^RTFT I H i^cd T H y d : II II 90c— 91b. 44<^l sfr P^FF cTcT fFTrPT I A||$*l^*T R" RtRf7 U otMMTRT U <5*l«iia M v ; Hr. Tan $T: R- W jftfRt otldMIdllddil'idlfl B (unmetrical) 93 a. FddT ] M y ; FJRT SiJnaSva- DrSan 93 cd. 99Jcd *>4Pd wci^ : Pdld-^i R M^iltd: ] SiSaVya , SiJhaSvaDrSaii , SaRaSan; U[-6-]U 9T3 t: fdd^f R WlTcT: M v ; U 9r#7: RR +r+d-»*i»i WtTrf: B f^d%cT dfMIdl JTr^n^wr: d44di ^^'st: i ^y^lc^rr^: ail'll fg%5r^ttr5r: n Siddhantasamuccaya of Trilocanasiva, IFP MSS T. 206, p. 90, and T. 284, p. 155. th^et fl4Rt: I enavum. (Cf. citation in the Sivajnanasiddhisvapaksadrstantasangredia recorded in the next note and see footnote to translation of verse 2.) 2ab and 3ab are quoted together prefaced by the above attribution on p. 12 of the Sivagrabhasya. 1 a. SHfT: ] M v S/Sa; f4dNI-}dHd : II 3 II SrftT I JHlPl dr*l4 shPd -^^Pt^faPr: II * II irfV: ^NlPiPdrH^ J -^l sfr ^dl^rl I o || d I H I «d| d'l ^Id'JHI^Id d,Ps,d Id I + K«i' PpTdTT^RT fyPddildfPd+HT *T: II ?? II SRnr ^dT^I fad3 II Hjd l PdPdP^l g' dT F^dNir^^^vIdH I f PJT PddP^^H^ IT F^TTWril ?y II 3tw |dlPl d H I dl d I Pd ?! fkrT: I cTSt ^44-7+4 ^ ddfPdd H%cTII \\ II d ^l<> h ttTW ^JdW I *44^14+4^ d-ddlH-l^l ydldrl | W dTPT <+>KU|IHNlPdfd 4" Pd'PiiJ d I II ^ II firw y-^ddlPM HIi<5c-M I 3TSrf4T 5fT FmT«4 ?£(f) dcq^viicdfd I HTR^t - d^V I f^ T djfrcfr fHfHM R ; I sfd" I ad Sataratnasarigralia 4, p. 8. The same unit is quoted by Trilocanasiva in his Siddhantasamuccaya (IFP T. 284, p. 138 [=MS A] and IFP T.206, p. 68 [=MS B], GOML MS R 14394, p. 12 [=MS Cj.) 29-30d. fRfRcTRrrOW cRJf£ fl5*»* u 'd 1 d’lK R ^ ^J8rR d4 < u| : fpjcT: II 33 II ^RTT rl<-4 «brjcd d(r^i , MiR-^riH I f-q d I H f^vdT cTPT WT f^nST 3TI"4 < «l : (Hid : ] conj. Isaacson; “^TTWTf^riT: M y 35 b. ^Tdtf^W ] em. ; STDJTtfw M y 35 d. 37l%FTsr*T ] B c (correction in blue) ; ?T U djl'b M' B" 0 fscftsr: cwspr: srfwr: tPtwt w? fj^tii n TFWRnr^r tt ptrt Pq^n : Kd idTT Id Pd q T q dl 'J'jq ti d II II q uj ij h n | dMiPqqyud'lqq^ I d.0d1^ W 51WT IWT RWril V? || dltT: ^ird^d W TT’TPpcf: I S1WT iRt PdJIdJcT II *R II [5T%f%WT:] dc^rdUPdM I Jn Sd" fWT: STIw-SRT: I dTdT 'xdm d" fPfP T dTTeTt" d>H fdvtl H < I I 42 ab. d -d d : f^nP%d" T H t M I «Td" : quoted in the MrgendravrttidTpika ad vidyapada 4:2, and quoted without attribution by Aghorasiva ad Iatt va t rayanirnaya 6, p. 139 and ad Sarvajnanottara ‘vidyapada’ 1:24, IFP 47818 p. 46. Also quoted without attribution in Trilocana’s Siddhantasamuccaya (IFP MSS T. 284, p. 169, and T. 206, p. 106) and in his Somasambhupaddhatitika (IFP MS T. 170, p. 11). 43c— 44c. *ir)44ci) — dldd-S^lcMI^ *dtt ?nf fw Irctr; I HTfRT TT ^ fw fWcTR; I dlPf-HH cfFTT fl^^KT II ^WT *TT ^RTTTTwft PdM'OdfrdflUfdg I SRff^j ^TT HT 3FTT dm pf ^HUmP^o) MrVrDT (unmetrical) 44 a. a 4 iHripf: STW ] M Y ; grrqTTrgf^TrTTT^ MrVrDT , SiDT; W&T d^cdPf^Pd SiPuStaVya 44 b. FPT ] M v , S/Df; Wf MrVrDT ;
ni)cw ^hism M^nid dT^dVTII m ddHftr fr 5TWTT diM'Hld 9T9t" f^TrTT I ^d" H r t fdfdrfr ^ft ?rer^r frarr: i ^ht fq q R h hi qR-*H indMl dt dr: yTTTII w d^n^wdT h%?t i sopt d??r fdfw Iddcf s^gfrii irdr Hl{}-fiM'^" 4>HMi Ri -Mr SPT 'JRT 'xdmhdl'Wd : ] M y ; SRTdT vKlad T ^*3 Tf 'jdt 'jdayuildd: SiPuStaVya 48 c. SHfiT ) SiPuStaVya; 9pldTT M v 48 d. 9T1PT ] SiPuStaVya; ST% M y 49 b. 91^1^*441 fddl ] M y ; 44tf%cTT SiPuStaVya 50 b. fl^dilPf d - ddJdl ] conj. ; dTTddfr d - rRPTT M y ; fl^ddPl ddHUtTT SiPuStaVya ; FT^ddfr d - ddTdT SiPuStaVya ( vl ) 50 c. PT 'f.lHl ] M y ; PT diM ° SiPuStaVya twt ffr r^r=n (nidi i «Mr*ifd!^rqnnjidi II y^ II ffi 4 H I R«l *r>rd I ^^rlrfTpr^-t | f4l>.IH M v 52 cd. ftT RSr^RJHar^ ] M y ; cHl H ei 4 4 -1 fi Si<< : SiPuStaVya; d -1 : SiPuStaVya ( vl) 53 a. 3T Pi fed I ] M y ; (ddfedl SiPuStaVya; faPrfepTT SiPuStaVya (vl) 53 b. Rf- 'rfT: JR: ) M y ; Rt RT: ^RTR SiPuStaVya 53 c. ‘RRTTTRTR ] M y ; °W- Hl '>R SiPuStaVya 53 d. RT wisIh j ii ] conj.\ isl H 4 ) I M y ; RT 4>cl I - RRRT SiPuStaVya ; RT 3RTferTRT SiPuStaVya (vl) 54 a. 3Ttrprf R^ ^JR ] SiPuStaVya; 3TRRT RgR M y 54 d. dHIdi PdPddl ] M y ; d>H l d i fR- RR SiPuStaVya 55 a. RT ] M v ; RT SiPuStaVya 55 cd. RT d rfe M I £H ST- ’TT «)d si H 3 #1 ( 1 1 ] conj. ; dPsi^l si h I ttl H q Jfi I ^ J II SiPuStaVya ; RTSt- h i 4 1 ( d H I (vl)) SiPuStaVya 57 c. liH^ilci ] M y SiPuStaVya; SiPuStaVya (vl) 57 d. H 1 -R 1 -h 0 ] M v ; *TUt 5^R° SiPuStaVya • 0 JFRRT ] conj.; “RTgRTR M v B“ e ; ° H^H I d B c (?), SiPuStaVya 58 c. 'TRRRTRTR ] M y ; gRRriH-HH SiPuStaVya 1 4 : TT: H^TfdiPd" f^Mi^iMUIlPiPr: 1 ^qf^rf^: *>*l4^r ht ^hhi cPrni n SfTR'RT r^ i I H H" cTrT 'I'M Id ^TT ' c T5pr I mw V s II *rr ^rfrfd- l«nfa$ I HT d I Pm dt M l fti I d-ndt-M M^II^ J il II II 5nrT: viPhPddij td fRr: htt ^Pwdi i *rt$r; d4<^cdi3dW'j^Hf4d»d 11 ^ 11 qTMHI ^’+i^": HT^ - %f^T m4Ph< dcf: I ZPTT d'-cdlPdPdcdidf Pl^dlf cd dlPd W: II M II d P-dT H 11 SataratnasangrahoIlekhinT p. 16. Also quoted in the Sivajhanasiddhisvapaksadrstanta- sahgraha (IFP T. 317, p.996 and IFP T. 533, p. 221) and incorporated into the Siva- yogasara (p. 120) and, without attribution, into the Sivayogaratna (verse 137). 71c-73b. parakkiyattil ddc4d <5^ ^ --^ ■• H H%cT I 5TFR7 Hi|d ^rrfWTII V9V9 II JfR d^N^4~M 0 ] B , NaViVi; 3‘*TdT$n'T3i'cd‘'r?TT 5=*T M y (tops missing) 72 c. $in<* STR^ ] B , NaViVi ; 5IT T 3fT q- fT cT STT M v (tops missing) 72 d. fSTd - : ] B , NaViVi; 3" d" cT TST d": M y (tops missing) 73 a. d^TPTdidVtd' ) conj . ; M 1 (tops missing); 'h'^silM'+idl^d' B; NaViVi 73 b. d“ n d Td Ry d I I 3T^rmfr ^ftMi^Gil'ii q % ~ ^> 11 V9\ h TTTW d^T 3° d y I P-d H sfr ^TWirfHH ^rpp %TT ITT W: I #T^Rtfr d I R-h d £7^Rp M 'l 'dlTd^ II qo || cTCTfr Tf 'dH)d ¥P^I STPdPadl I ^tfPSRHTT ^PzO^l^d Pd Pd Pad I II q$ II W^RTT d^^PoR ■t d *-4T ilfl'p<4ci I tcnJTTTFET ■dl'-^d dTRT" dlPd PdU$ :f II q^ II [tTTRT ip^ ' d^ :] d < 1 4 rd I l%l 'd ^ d ^ : 5 Pf : I 78. ^r^^irH^4'a4 q^T d£N^<5 : I d«*r>MddiH 11 c;\ II 4 iii i41 s^fwcfl Jjyr i 84c-85b. fr 'j^rr ^fnwqTj^: i M T JjffPTT T^pf cTF*T cRIcT: II II dlddldT T^TT 3T ^TFT ^TRTJ^RT: I W’H'-yuid'l JJcff: y I RiH i W: II II ? T^jt 3T dlpMl d: I 96. rTVT TCTC^ - — TTrfWRT: fM^gf^T>HTfWT: I CT ITT T^pa-T: ’JFt^ SClt TC: frpT: II Sivajiianasiddhisvapaksadrstantasangraha IFP T. 317, p. 1116. 90 c. *mt ] M y ; TIT SiDT 94 c. JJcff: ] conj. ; ijfih M y ' 96 a. TC: ] M y ; 'UdW SiJnaSvaDrSan 96 c. B-=44,|dfT: ] M r ; *H^W: SiJnaSvaDrSan 96 d. CT TC: ] M r ; °cfl" TC: SiJnaSvaDrSan 97 a. fgS’: fw: 9TT7% ) B“ c ; fts - : ftpT: STTSTHdl M y (unmetrical) ; ?T: (?) ftpC: 9TTC% B c fgfUr : d^cT: 33 f ^c^rMpdPdHIV I R t |^4f Til \M> II rrfm *PFFT HTFt Wf sf^nft +HlrHtf': I gT^FTf^> T T *T l Id dt T d 5 1 4 1 d4d^Pr>Hidd : I H^Pt T: ii|«iJir *TW Mldlfd + HnRbcFril ^ II dcTRFT d4dJddl£ 4 ddK-dVi'JiH I PdM I d^d^^ T: HTTcT 4dK+Hdlc*nfr: II *03 || MpvP^ T T fiflK^MTT dP^P^dd ' dY Sp-d^ JJ M r4 HI ^d d Kt IhM Hd44 II II ^ Pd fd &VI | UJH I d d v4 d Pvl d I Pd dTT I ddld l dlrM^^ r ^ ddfrT HTpr:FJfT: II II 99 ab. srfwrft *T *Mf T rT^ft pn^mrcf: quoted by Aghorasiva (without attribution) ad Mrgendravidyapada 4:15 and 13:5, ad Tattvaprakasa 44-5, ad Tattva- trayanirnaya 6, ad Tattvasahgraha 44-5, ad Ratnatrayapanksa 30ab and 180c- 182b. Also quoted without attribution in Trilocanasiva’s Siddhantasarmiccaya (IFP MSS T. 284, p. 169, and T. 206, p. 106) and in his SomasambhupaddliatitTka (IFP MS T. 170, p.ll). 105 cd. Cf. Kirana 2:29cd: I ^ H d Td f? • I 99 a. sdV^FTrfT W ] Aghorasiva (except in the Tattvatrayanirnayavrtti , where he reads with M v ), Trilocana ; STlV^TfT T M Y 100 a. f^TT° ] conj. Isaacson ; ^T- r^!W ° M v • 0 FF^4TtT° ] M Yc ; °H^IT xlx tT° M v 103 c. °^T: ] M v 105 b. Q *W q~ cTftrmfiTW ] conj . ; M Y cm . ; y 4l'd H I J -l I P-d ^frnrr dMd I^TT I TFTt^Jcfr wmt T ^ dMHHIcHd: II II $nd|W|K*d| T TFTt gT ITT 3T I %craY ^ st 4Hmf tftt^tt ^ttw: ii *oV9 ii •T d Rn 4d ^ df-^l 4d cTgfkcT: Rlld : I ^ ("4 ^i 4 cfr t trii i 41 tP •jwnrii ii 3TTfTW: ^HiJlRhR+l'Hd : 1 TVT^ - : fl4y^ H^rT: II II srRfiRr: ^ fsfr sir tr-; 1 T^^lTRnTTcFT II || spn 4^diPd44T tt RfciiiPy i =r Mw d4'^lPd4Hfr4.4: ?prr f^TTII 11 oil r*H -I I Ol ^dfchi Pd Th d I Pd T dl^d : I Ttrwrfr Mn'ldf'H pRTdT HT Pd HH l-J-H I II ^ II rrftrr^wrfwr: liw iiR-d?R w 1 TTT dR-dd ^dfNd^dlii w W RtWII II d^r: dJ-y*4|yiuii fg^w^r tt; i djqrq-: THTgrP s*=r fgrfrr gt sOdfinigit 11 ii ysjdlPHrf T^TT dcyglfbl h^c i dfaTFTf Pd d jfu| y^Jj*<£gJd: II II 106 d. t t frrr° ] conj. ; =r ?fr dtnr o M y ios c. \ em. Isaacson ; M v 110 d. MN Pd H I d ] conj. Isaacson ; ^TWT^T^" PlHIdd M v 111 a. conj. (unmetrical) ; d vr ji | frl M -Mf M v 111 c. I Id ° ] em.; snfg 0 M y 113a. dPiMId-dillirddl: 1 conj.; rl f^M I <+, <4 VI I f^T: M y 113c. R*dd ] conj.: rdd : M y ? %>?% r^HT^T: 3* 3T^PTT Id ft < I I '■d' dd^ld ^TRTMT I dd H I Id d dT d WRT H^dl H Pd ft ^ T : II II [3T^ f^IW:] H^pr^fr^F^rr f^nf^WTw: i rddl : *T3p MldlddcddlHi| J 4KH I ddrqld$ TXfwZ Pd dJ I d rdl *4 fl R-d r| i-| || || Pq 4l -d d I ^-d jkR rdic4l Pen j d ^ s i d [«i y ^d < PvH Rh l1 II ? II [ fddJHd rT:] *rwvrpr: H^nrw^rrw: i gT 7r^-9TTf^f%%WT JJIflPt' yrdd'lddd_ II d II d^r^y Pd^^i^ r^^^' y iPr>di -. i jDd l dW ^TM-M-rdd - d d I TRc%T ®M d P-d d I : I fTf S^rfrrer: fT T I 2 a. dMdiy r d ~: ] em. ; dJididld - M y 4 a. BqiHl S*T ftirT SPf : | ^TRTF^r rTtTNT 5TT3vlJT^TT^TTr^TT II ?o II Hld^ II ?? II fsrd*lf> £rl *. f^FTT W Pau 12 d. Id ] B; H id M v (unmetrical) 15 c. ^Iddl ] em . ; t^imdl M v : Ho'M?rM^i u i^ga : I qRVT dc5Tf%: HH£UM|l'll ^ II cT=r W Md'l^T: T^r: FWfW: I cKIJIHWMI^Hl W ^TTHlrT: II II ■y^|uii awrw st^tt^T 1 w dri" sFrrwni r° ii 3TTHT: 5TTW T 'HIHI'^I %TT W I T fl l H I ^ TT TTT: ^PdcMdl4y PlM l^l : I ydK'fH’ T HTJr^pm^rTT: II ^ II (^rTt^TTrT =t hhiuiRh4H] Vial'S ddM I Tl-^-q- T ] em. ; MflKtU M v 21 f. ] em . ; °emdl M y 22 cd. 5 RTT ill-Hl^dvl ] conj. Kataoka; U[-8-]u M y 24 b. fF *P=T ] em.; M v 24 d. T ] conj. ; pTT T M v TTT^f cT^T Yo cnrpjcfr t fdw: *$dH i 1 1 «~M *M I (HI d H I tcRT fw drd^wiurt TRTTTT zpTTfWrT:t II II 3 F*PTT %T HSPTRT 'prftWTWP sfV TT I fa- ^ rT^f^r: STTfh ftrgr ^jfwfw: II tfvs II 3FWrwf^TFtT TTFTTfoftftpTt" I 3JWT m f^Tftfw^- dPcH^d^dl II *q || t^?r PbdlHd?m : iTT^Pp: H P+»> PIH* *H-dl ^ PntW: I d d'l I'd d) I *) d 5PF^T II II HlPd+K^df^ ^Tf^T IPHTT I ^m- sfwsrT^ 't^ii ^ ii 3P=P fr*{cf fclfd^d : I d^jRtiMI ^cT^pifr^TT II ^ II ;l H y I Id «4%^T»<-H I P*kH Ml ^ H fRclt «*TRT cTWf^t» cT# I 59 c. r^mi^df*!: ] conj . ; ?dmipB4ddf<+ii M v 59 d. f^rf cdT ] conj . ; «Jdf'd rTT M y ; ^dPd fTPT B 60 a. il^l^Wd ] conj . ; U^JWd M v 61 d. JTfWrJT'- ] em.; iTp^d-cd 0 M y 62 b. fTdPd^d: ] conj.) fWTTtl’- cRT M v 62 c. °W) M V B“; 0 W + ?T;+ B c 63 a. “« iPn^ddJHB * ] conj. Acharya; °y lid : U(-3-]U wi ° M v 64 a. h*"=i I : ] em. ; H'dl M r 65 cd. o; r- *ni : ] conj . ; 0 d^rnlT^fd>T^rT U M v 65 e. ?TT T ] conj. Isaacson ; U M y 66 d. B^HI 0 ] conj . ; w4$ftdl ° M y 67 c. ^rdlPMdiHH^ ] conj . ; >«?l^4 J T^r I r^r^'H'^MHI'MK ^Idd fl^lIM^: II ^ II [^JCTrg - 4>HinJ+KU|nj T *4l s%^pir ft 'Him <-m 1 m h j^pht i dt M RT dvflMH ^4% II it. II ^ r**l|J|«f g^H+HTHHfwRT: I cR=T WRT»fTdt II % II ^mHHIl(Mcf 'jt ^Tt?F rTWT Nw I rTVTfT qft m fMT f^F f d^FSPTTII VS RTW P^HiTh ^drPr HMlfd^ft w: I 2 b. HMI*$I J JN ] conj. ; TRT U ?T5rir M y 3 cd. rRT em. ; <*>1^5 cRT fd ^MI^frrf^PT: M y (unmetrical) ; l4 5T 4 b. d£°H r° ] em. ; cT^TT 0 M y 5 a. HHI^ SlTRjaFt ] conj. M y 5 b. %TPS'F*TTT c ‘ ] conj.; ^TPJTJT 0 M y 5 c. SR RrTW ] conj.; ?PT dr^cd M y ; ?PT crar^- B c ; Hrd'Td B“ c 6 b. ^CT^pft 0 ] conj.; ^OT «*PTf 0 M y 6 c. cTW ] conj. Isaacson ; rfPTT M y dmm^Pd^RP^ i u i i t 11 s 11 cfPTT iftw 3 kTTW T I r1'FifT?t <|J|fd<) £ diHI+Tc-ft' ^ 41 Pd '4l II 1 II u ri r^h i "4 mpr sPrwrgTrdtr^nTW i dHil4KM^4 *TRT ^TT sq^f^THI ?o II hImkm i ^ ^far: *44^ H^nrwrr 1 ^ fTc^Pt clHlMKHnlP^d^ll ^ II ^rfr rTvT fwt H ll4 fui dfaldlPd H^iadtll II oilTrhHNlP-d dr^jft- dPd^cV-H I i ^uiiP^qid^ II II rnrra"^ Wt - dM4df-MldrdHdl'-d ; nT I HMIdrdPdHldlfrt Pl^1^°! «hrll R«H I 18 c. 5rf%T’F T TrPn‘ ] M y ; MrVr 18 d. dfJlHI^T ] MrV r; dfifidilH M r 19 ab. odRbMIdir'd dc^sD dPs^y.dl ] M v ; Id^dl odRuHl^iP'd H4i 1^T .frdlPH I MrVr 20 f. IdlVidl : ] conj. ; fafsTTtTT M v 21 d. 4ldiH I ] Hi J i ^ PiRiidi : ^HlHH^^arl I cTSYiTTIWH' ®i| *i ?iil^i : 1 fd M V B“ C 28 d. °ff^T ] conj.\ M y 29 b. »FEfWfv4vr ] conj. Isaacson ; °^T fdfd^tlT M v 29 cd. H|lc+.d°ii diW ^cTT ] B ; fcrr — [-6-]— 9T II scfnr ("q ^ *■'< >^1 4 I ^ ci S*5 'M *s I I ap PddJ I' q T Wt ff^: ^TTPbTdnfdRtT II 3? II y*w 1 dfdldWl^ dNc*<»ilAK*iir*»idH I cr^Pfdt *RP ^WcH4»rH> S^dWT: II ^ II W TTFd" ffent JTT: ^IdH Pdd^^df q- PddJdT II 3311 3TVTWT PTcfr cldlfTd : I f^'-l IldlPl 'tit'JIl'Tl ' J U^ ' I II 3* II ^tTW < u I I M W H M I fd M d TTril 3* II Pd d d I H Tt Pdd«b tI H'll'h cl d I I cKT FTST WDrfrfP T T *Pl$ dTT cldl I sl^drd^'JlYdldlP^Hm^ ddJTfdWII 3^ II 35ab. 3W - d" ^ft T Tr , TTT^‘ ^ttjT «MU|lMMdl'dlRH4>Mfddd quoted by Narayanakantha ad Mrgendravidyapada 11:11, p. 231, and in the ^ivajiianasiddhisvapaksadrstantasahgraha, IFP MS T.317, p. 1022. 30 cd. TT dT 5HT dT Tm rqT IT 0 ] tops missing in M v . 30 c. HiviAMVII$|Jn Pd *4 dTFF) d" W: I n i <5 *»i wrt dl fnoq » Pi Pari 'pT: ll tfo II +HlPd fijpFT VUU NH1MH IcHdi WT: I TFFRT^t G’dH'H^d : II Y* || 'UTTUTTr pFFFT : I cTrSHTTcT F" f^T^tcT PHpidlvi Pd l H I d : II Y^ || w: +4 Ph Pm d i sfP Hum") TFT ipT | TUTP frF# «hfHir4<*W Pumdl II Y^ II d-iHI d d~l dd<-d1 sjt" FT TFT: F TFF: I +y + Pdd4 3 d c^H Pd H I Pildd II YY II 41 ab. Cf. Svayambhuvasutrasahgraha 2:17ab: 3 v*t r| HI J JT?T M y 42 d. fdlUM: ] M y,: ; fd J l j I X Tx rT: M y otivrir ^ irHfjiflTT Hdlr^: II II zpjTfr f 4 tt: ^TTrfr ftat Sdi«nR;d jj-a : I H l ^Td T Pdd ; -T rfW ipP^WII *\ II ifoqt sir *n «+>iftP q^Hid) sfr i T di^l + :t II *° II [ Id d (d : ] pH d Id H d H I ^ 5 ! ^TT TSTf *• f%-: ] +H Id) 'jflcR^fa oq 1 4 fd ^ TOTT I MfldHlH m 4tW TO ?fafa W: ffTOII *q II TPpT: JTTOTt 3T TOfgfafacTOffar fTTF I STfrfTTOpfTfaTO ^{SfTta- Til || srtfa hi < jifrj *>i4 tt ^snf^fa t^tii 11 U dl q i q 1 q 1 dt-q «M HM«t>i4c4 Tfafa: fa qvd 1 PsPr : I !ifiHic<+>i44^i>Ki4f fa H%>r fro 11 ^ n TOTT TOTI 53 a. villrl ] conj. Isaacson ; ;l M M y 54 b. %^TWT ] em . ; 5 iq ’-T M' rq>4«i : ] conj. ; cic«ti4d : M y 55 a. °qi(q«M ] em.; M v S^TWnj^TOrr ] conj. ; W^m< M y 58 d. TO ] em. ; TO: triced) 61 d. d tiqf 1%" *T%vT ] conj . ; »1 1 1 q) |q qTO" M r 54 d. ?T- 56 ab. °T- M v (unme- Hen : fcW I cTiw clW fW FW ^HI^Jryir^^'HIcl II ^ II gWFT gwfrfTTcW F^h 4|J| : ^d4%cf I 'jWT T TT9T: +HKj1 sfr M^l|iMdJI II f^JTfcwt STTt TFT: PTF^%MT^T^T^ I SW ^FTPJwf^WTrT: II ^ II fWTdT WTW fSTMTMT^r^ <+> H I Hi <+» : I MTPt: 4j| u, ^rd | ^'J|Hi +l4dl fWI ^TT ^wrwwnwrfw ^SLlPd ?FT4 w: II II Pdcb l flKJ-dfiT l ^ T: *>dlr*l4PddJ4dW I 69. dlfrR" ^WWTT^' y J J ,J, ^l rq i jjui i *i i ^«iMa ^Nf ^H i rH<*.i^ft i pwr iTTgjfT ^t4cT ?fMI Siddhantasamuccaya of Trilocanasiva, IFP T. 284, p. 163; IFP T. 206, p. 99. 62 c. dfevT ] B c ; d'fs ff ° M y B oc 63 c. ] B; <*ni <1— M v (right half of last aksara broken off) 63 d. *- 3 ^, ° ] em. ; M' 64 c. °^Y S*T“ ] B c ; °^rq" M v B ac 65 c. H^rrn^t] conj .; *T ^ M Y 65 d. d^Rr^d : ] em. ; : M y 66 d. n ll^viiH ] conj. ; l II gw fVprVw HI I d rd ^HHI'ddH I jpi d ^ I gWFIT Hdlr'idHI^'JmVdld^ II \9^ II ar^rrRfr fw t hj: fw g d ®dm.i i aVrV dT^rV dTt drr ^fdP di Vddi n m n [fft:, FTRmg- ( =r T rt: 1 df-HIdd H^drdir^dull&lfHgrTT I tTRf 5fTV HtTFX|#?V VT fuTrddiH II V9«' II 3TdMl?rW 5ldd5lH d'dVig'JTR; I [trd-;— ^TTT pHilHI^a ] HdHIHlIdPl Vf ddT II V9* || ddT dM^ldR'jV gd: 5p5J d fdVdd I drsrgdr: d df fVff^m* d?V d m n 4 d ii \9^ 11 TnV d Id^tfld'l d^dVd ddV I 3i+iild) M y ; HI mild I B 1TFT ^TWmrft f4w P'Ivu^-sji I 3Rrfr 3 T ^rT 5 T TT 5 ^ 1 ^ ^itw: II \3\ II ij^Md^idt s*nfr >iii||oH'if ^-:%T 5ftrT^T^TTfTRTII S? II FP-nrf^ d >d d I ft ^TRT^TTf^t^n' I 'IS^dPd'Wlrd' P-l ^1 1 ^ d £ d.d 11 *1 II ^ 11 SPMdlxi R-d«ril ^Jr 3 T *f) d 1 1 1 < Pi d Pii d : I 79 ab. *Tpi" TTP5JT 5TR - ?n-4fldl fadT 1 ^P^d Rrr;l H I ^ 'M i| ^ Mil I ■M 1 ^' MrgendravrttidTpika ad 10:25. 84abc. °HW- • °Tnft ] tops missing in M Y . 79 a. $TPT TP-MIddl ] conj. ; STsTPT ^T i3 Td' M y ; $TFT ^T^dd'i MrVrDT 79 b. Habere 1 MrVrDT ; f%^fw M y 79 c. 3T^rft ] M ye ; 3R3rfr xix M y 81 b. °'l'ldjd ] M y ; “Hilltlrl MrVrDT 82 a. cPJTfV 0 ] em. ; cTOT x*J"x fr° M y 82 c. o^'cftc’tT ] em. ; M y 83 a. 0 l7TTTIT^?frn" ] conj. Isaacson ; ° JHd l i<>d ' (tops missing) 87 ab. ^’Stlllddi *>'8.^4 »T^d TT^T ] B, NaViVi; 3T -T ’S' 3T fr 5FT S' — [-4-] — (2) ^ TT M v 87 c. dffd-MfddJ NaViVi; dR-HH TT dTT M v 88 cd. dRdad JJ5t dl^dfdHff) ] conj. ; d RdSid JJ5t ql^ddddd l M v ; TT Ntj *PJ3t Pll^d : ^Iddd NaViVi 89 cd. |W 5T *ft ] conj.; d*TW 3T *Tt M v 90 a. »prnw , ‘ ] B; PT TT WT M'' (tops missing) [3T^fhr] Nanavaranavijakkattarumpatavivekam Vol. 2, p. 1185. 86abcd. tops missing in M Y . 87a. tops missing in M y 90a. f*T TT I ] tops missing in M y . M v (tops missing); 6 f^TT B 86 a. ^NIIi^'jHfdl^ ] M y ; TT if f ^ 5T -?■ T Rif fT: M r ; TT-M I Hi l 3VRWII \? II ST^rST 3RFT I cl^l^ilPM^ ^P^d'ifcldl'-MKd : I ^TTf^+iP'R *rtrr ^w’siwi ipr: Wlyi^ II 92 ab. °5rfw^ff^Wr o ] conj.; °5PRt ° M y ; 0 5rfMY B 92 f. ipr: ^T^fr fg^tvw: ] conj. ; il'JIHI'WT fa^TVcT: M v 93 b. HtfifrNr- cTTT] em.; M v 93 d. *IW] conj.; “HfrWTTW^ 94 ab. ° ] conj.; ^RTRTTf^ 0 M y 94 .c ^n^ l^T] co nj.; TT- tg-g- M y 96 c. P^l ] conj.; Rn^l M y ; ^R^^l ? Na ViV) (unmetrical) ; T* T ftfifT T SiJnaSvaDrSaii 96 d. *T%VpJT: ] em . ; B^T: M y ; NaVi Vi , SiJnaSvaDrSaii [3T^»TT: ] 3T^FHTt H^RF^Tf^Ppr: «M4d^d : I ^jnft ^dlPdPPf dldd : II \x II ^'JlMiTld^'bi *.liS^ ^.'SJ 51 H y I ^M «+< •!> I | H j dFd*!T JJVW H%dll V* II Trpsq F?T W?m*FrfcnrW **m: ^FF^ttpsrT: I TPP4T df^d kfw II * q II ^FW HHUfqHd£Ul1$fdJf) II ?A II «hd«iy lHii«^M fa^lHT FFTFFnr I d^d" dd d $TTd dldKAUHlPudH II ?oo || JT»T J^lfd d^TW dd JFdT d d^f I Tfedr *j5«nmrHi frddridPdFr’TT: 1 dTFjdrd tsj yi rjiffa 3 || STFT^t *Tt M^qR-MvTlM^ir frdT d^ld I ^?b 1 rd J ff : RT%OT H I R-q R- 5 q Id d •^TT’ II ?°* II H £dV#i^iirq f^ i wfw ^rl^TTF WrdM^rW» I [*TOl qi^jl*-q«-rK^iqirHl dd vl d*idi fqdl ll ?o* ll ^T^ft *fr 5srnJfi4lJiwr^>n s«fttt: ^r - 1 [ d-HNir» r] w^: f-HvW W ^ TTft IR? T^TT: II II 106cd. srs?: toN" W T TdT W: = Mrgendravidyapada 12:5ab. 101 cd. ] om. M y 101 d. JMI'drJdd ] em. ; dr^T^TT *PT NaViVi 101 e. H~ - IT: ] M y ; dit: NaViVi (unmetrical) 101 f. dT^t fTdtW 0 ] M y ; 'TTT: ^dt- i&T* NaViVi 102 a. °dHI"*3 ] em.; ° I M I ^ M y ; °MTTT T SiJnaSvaDrSan 102 b. 3"for q Hi fl d I P*l d I ] M y ; dldfHIddT SiJnaSvaDrSan 102 cd. ] om. SiJnaSvaDrSan 102,c. ] B c ; M y B“ r 103 a. ^T- fdld ] M y ; dfMI? SiJnaSvaDrSan 103 cd. ] om. SiJnaSvaDrSan 104 c. *JWt- RTrff ] conj . ; 4dt'-ddf M y , SiJnaSvaDrSan 104 d. 'TTf^rf^rfd^TT: ] conj . ; q | p>q Pj q Pd q M y ; M l R^r^rdfaTl^ r SiJnaSvaDrSan 105 ab. ] Placed after 105d in SiJnaSvaDrSan. 105 cd. ] om. M y 105 d. StT^T 0 ] conj . ; *TtcT> SiJnaSvaDrSaii (unmetrical) 105 f. fodT ] SiJnaSvaDrSan ; U M v 106 b. rf- fevfr S«TtTT: P^JcT: ] conj. Kataoka; dfcdl*qd M y to'«4 n-Hi^^i«asH^'i'm Hr=n i Hs - m *-^h i : l ^V#rf%f^TTtTT W fa^P fd^Hd: II ?oV9 II ^l'l'dlHl <(d^h ii ^oq 11 [3TT^T9r:] Id m ^ ^wsd «^i i ^ i -*«>,«; i c4 -*j«i hki I dl-^Jpi : ^W^dlMHpfclcP: II %o\ || d I d I *-41 S ^ ^ ^d Id I f%7lTRr d" pHTj^r: I 3| |l4ld Uql ® M y 109 a. Pddj ] C onj.; Jpidld d^d'didd M v 112 a. 3^ddl ^7] em. ; 3^d.fi I -M ^Jd l P h ^ II >?V 9 II [3Tfw:] cl'd'W^ad-^imgJfTi d f^\ 1 dWTP ^rf^rT fa% T 'Tfwrf II ^ II anwP ?mTit *r: awrsrwwdT ipr: i HI-dHinfT SW*TT pr: H%cTII W\ II fTZW fwrff=rwtw ^lrflfcl>»=jd I Id 5 M 1 ; 'Md U *i I (~H fj B 118 b. crf^rt ] em.; df^pT M v 118 d. afWff ] em.; d" dP*f M y 120 a. iMdlHdlui ) conj. ; fwf=TaM M r ; farrfTafar B 120 b. d^l$iPa- P^t||^dM ] conj. ; a: ] em. ; dPrxM i: M v 121 cd. ] em.; # ^RT^T« \TB“ C ; ° B c TTT^ cT^t fJpiHy+Ht II ^ II [ Hi fd <+> -H J ’i -H fw H ^ ul H JH ] ST *ft Tn : fRtHFTOTrrWTTW: I frrf trfFTipjnrHT 'icTd'iTd' n ^ 11 fTTSfnftT fulfill ^fiifn TOW: I frrqTwt tfrfT wff frffr: frw w: n 11 Wf ffa^dM^HillrH+H I d«4Jayfd«i-^r arfwfr Rh^irH+H n n 3TW:fT friTTTT d<4«J^y+|JM THIgJ* TRWTTfP5PTTTII ^ 11 [ 3TWTR Pi :gdrd Tm P^ THTTfTT T^jTITT^TT Til H tit i4d^R-^di ii ^ n ?nr niRhRfr Terser nHl s°p i ^^|^U|4^^faHTT TII ^vs II 134a. = Mahabharata supplementary passage 12.18:80a. 131b. ^T] em.; M v 131 c. ] conj. Acharya . ^T M y 131 e. 3TfT vftHST Tmfttt ] conj. Acharya; ^I^AT M v 133 a. 0 «qg *i< : ] em.- » vjg d 4 d 4 ^ H Id $ (ddd d I! ^ II [^T^n^cT^rpFTl': MKdlRS+l ^T: ] TrfTT I dl^H s4T 4¥ S^IHoiltbH'JsIMlTlcH ^ + ld^ I dgl^JJI^MIfi rTWT W TrWPfa: || II sr^rer m?i ^■iUi4y^ii'i 4t s*r *r «^t^jt M if if yi h » i ^^l^fHl^lcy+HliiM+IJfld: II ?Vo n ^ddfcid W INY $IMI4>K: ^T 3T I w 5Frnjr sr^r ?tt HT^rrf^r ff hfftr;ii ii d4d ^TT^FT d l'>4" Idd I cfcT HTV^T ^T^PT I MT^M4IV»y I4 i|R ;H'Hd -d P4 4l d cbd || II u [-8-] u n SSTCTff H%rf I td'rfl^y^l aiRil+cd d4^H II II ’TWOTf^rr f^JT ^PT?T T y >J| | (rH+l I ftr^f f t stft ^rsirr^RT^l en=nr n m ii 138ab. 3T BT ^T cd" g TT d" ] tops missing in M v . 138 ab. °^TT *T!$lrH?'>|i d° ] B; v 3T BT ^T cd d d M v (tops missing) 139 b. °?TOf] conj .; W M Y 140 a. ^TgJT^r^iTl ] conj.; ST- c*4$W U W ffaY + $TT- hT 0 M y 142 d. °Wt^r^T ] conj.; o«Ttfw M Y 144 b. SSnJff] conj.; dH>fij|U$l M v 144 d. wfrRT- vt ] conj. ; 4 »R«^rci M v 145 ab. f^JT ^c\ T ] conj. A chary a ; UTf^grtrr ^FFT d NT (unmetrical) ; fMl«llUlf«i<*>l 5fr(5ftT B“ c )*TrT d B (unmetrical) 145 d. fclHH ] conj. Isaacson; ST U M y ^rp5": H l g-g- y 4 4 |^j d I ^ H d fd I v) f>d FJtHTTII II dlc+dct' Ht SMt ^rR' ^r^MiTHd : I ^^iloMld^+r^ Srf^TW: ddl 3%: H ^ VV9 11 7f r^fd^>Mcdld; *FT HIMIW+ W: I ^dfddlfVd': flt S«Tf W r4~ HFFT JH+dl^dd; II W •< [ U^y gr ^ dTOT] ^ddH ' ^ r +i4«t P^vmi sfrdt sfr trct; i xr^vr vf%rf smft wvnm t w *rtcr: n WR « 4d l PH ^r Pdddft - S'FTT JJTT^nroRTW: i T T dvIV^ JJW fd+ldTcMpdf}^: II II srpmr dTRW rTW HMIW <41 P*i 4 M ■'i ’d I Pdd!/ q II 5R7RT 3?1T I *tptt mr: srmrr t areffw: i mfl*l Hl^Hl JTPTT :IHm'urHHl f3Rh II II fmf.T4+<>j|^^irHdi mir w i drdd4 fi 5rfWT YSJcd" dc$d : f^TmTII II TSJcT rrfFPTcf ^TFTTm m ^ HMirwr: Y3p I m ^ difdHdHH Tfct f mRd OddiH ii ^ ii *T TSJct wmtr: Fd~FY middled ^dfd^Rhd : ^TRt 5TtW tdc^TlNrsfaTcTt I f^H|g3PTT^T f^NrmW: f^TcFTII W 11 8 rHI-d : +IH+H irdn 167. 3H7 T HddPsdUTt OiHcddlrHd : ^ pKJHHdP'T I I lrH*T: fSRc^ *j4H I ^«S^5< i”i PVtM i n tn^i PiPadH I ?^TT- grft Pd <1 d I d Kp T dddPlMrW PuNrdN MM + R' drlldlcHdld'MIc'MsHd' *T W^T Jl=cr^: | Tryambakasambhu’s Sisuhita ad Kir ana 1:15, IFP T. No. 1102, pp. 16-17. 165 cd. “HM-Sil Pl^Pri ° ] con j. Kataoka ; °FRVf PiyfT> ° M v 166 b. t-*nar- Id^d^^ t ] conj. ; iRTT ^l^dfd&dl M y 167 a. “rER: SpST ] 3iHi; “cHdl f^RT M v 167 c. dlcMdTd t Mddfdld ] M y ; HlcMdl*t fNtTFTPT &Hi 1 68 b. W - ?TV ] conj . ; *RT M v 169 d. HUdWT ] em. ; HlddHI M y 170 a. ] conj.-, M v 170 d. conj.-, M y 172 a. OTRT: ] conj. Isaacson ; Sl icf * M y V9o 'TTIW) rT^ I -h T 1 r^i vrTl H -^ftTrn^ : I TTTRft ^ S^ff *fldddT;ld : M^dl ^oq- l^di^Hi || ^ || II 5 Id h < j JTfTrT^T ^irdMdi^*ldHi';'H l -ldH*yd l( ^ : II 172 b. IH ° ] con j. Isaacson ; ° H I fn 0 M v son; °3TrTT^nT° M y 172 c. °tt rfr s^nr° ] conj. Isaac- W*T: II * II SRTTVT 'ci'lN I HH du^'bd.ISj^T fwftn I ' j 1 ri I H? dTd TTxFT dTWd' 'fTT I S^pff ^TWTJTTTW. II ^ II rpjT mto fftarr n^+r sipnr i dcy<£c^^ddf34^drHp'-s^ : II 3 H ^?T I j i ojj R rf fg^FPnr^T •m i ji h ii * n •cSTTCR^ fMffidUf J>ld*rfir. y <*1 Pd r d h i VI d +1 Id y Id ddl ufa-tr : Chirac, 5««*1 II * 11 dd*-d-d IH HH l’ ^r: falrfr 5M - : *jftqlatiia I 2ab. Cf. Mrgendravidyapada 13:9ab: M M H pft^TT^prt S U «HI 6b. = Mrgendravidyapada 13:10d and Matangavidyapada 23:85b. lb. '‘dt^Prnr) M v B ac ; '‘dt^FrTT 0 B c 2 a. cKflddlf’j ] conj . ; cT^fPIRT U[-2-]U M* - 2 c. o^pff] em. ; M V B* C ; 0 +< u Jdf B*3 a. ] conj. ; fm M v 3b.^ 1 em - : M y 3 d. 1 con J-: tr&jX tT» M v 4 b. dfedgW 1 em . ; d(4«$« + M y 4 c. M^Pd? f^^TST- WT] conj.; iT*ffd*(* ?)f^TW M y j J 1^^ 4 T^l ^ B 4d.fT^?| conj.; cHJ U[-3-]U M v 5 a. 3nTPT 3# M r u[-2-]U u[-8-]U II V 9 || H*KddHHIdl^lM : | cl d *4 M f*-H cTl 'flTt Pd y M <-d H I H M : II || [TT^H": ] ct^P fn < h i sftrr ff^teT^TT: i MIMPbillPdiNlHI dHlg:«r4 d P-H d I ] conj.; - cTt M y 11 b. 6 Hgj]«ll: ] em.; M^j]u|| M y 12 b. 3W: ] conj.; U[-2-]U M y 13 d. q-?lKd ] conj . ; gTT^ffT M y 14 a. HTTHl ] conj . ; W U HT M y 14 d. faRqm*: ] conj . ; gPfaTHMT: M y 15 a. Bb'Hluii ] em. ; f^nqpj M y • Ml -Ml ] conj. Sanderson ; TFMt M y 15 c. f^pT: T^ld ] conj.; i$W:'T%TW M y B or ; TOTcT B c T^PT: mc.H : V95 ^rr: mPCT II IS II crR":H$fP M ^ I H^l ^ ^ d J|*JI H 1 ^T: I sffrT: ^T^TTWr: ^T^Rf^P^TfKT II $v$ II ^njt Sc^'JJl'TcHi rwr: I 3FtT:*I't1IM<£t 1I1: sfrfTcTtTTST^T: II II # T?T: T?HTJTRiTT: Pkh^M : I HijNflfdm *^ T: ^ Vfl rl (^ 1 tTT : II \\ II «hH^> Sfw: MiairHJpi^er: I 16cd. -^Tf: srrfopfr pH (1 h '-M W fn^: quoted ad Svacchandatantra 10:33. 17ab. rTTTiH^TT M ^ I Hi ^ 4) rl -d J ] u l H I ?? «K '• quoted ad Svacchandatantra 10:43 i7cd. ^vr w vPrmrr 5ftrT: sfld -rd J M^ T. quoted ad Svacchandatantra 10:46. 18ab. ^uit S c^ l -rdfl fM^dPMId^: quoted ad Svacchandatantra 10:43. 18 cd. aPrr: <4^IMt ’ ^ r: ^dld i * * TC: **{*: quoted ad Svacchandatantra 10:40bc. 19-20b. tT^ T 'tfl'HIdt trer: ddlBHI + IO gsftcfr pKH^dH : I Hrt l Mflfddl ' ^ : faprf sftrTf^TtrTT: I ddH^dl sf^RT: q|l»lR-=l”c ’ SvaU V9V ?f#tTf3r: ^ff^rrn ro h dHfdlH<^d'5RHP;4l I Pd PH d H : PddimP^f^HlPddteT: || ^vs || P^H>li P-Hd: sftwr: <&dHpbPHfl*iPT: | II ^ I' fad'fiff Pd dP^M I y\\'i\ fJ||H| <£d ^ W: I IciW fadl4-c) 'iFtlT: 'jd^Pidl : II ^ II 25c— 26b. flV^d l ff : VFR3rnrt f^^rRTP5nT: I Ih l * fr S8Hfl itM I Rh I ad Svacchandatantra 10:42. 26 cd. sspTTf?’: <+i«f.i!l 1 V-M I : fr^nrfrftfScT: ad Svacchandatantra 10:46. 27 cd. ’TtrrnTT PdP-ldlH : Pd d I H I I h) P^ dl 4 Tt ad Svacchandatantra 10:52. 28ab. r^4 lurt frw: srtwr: #^rNrfirw^r: ad Svacchandatantra 10:46. 28cd. HlfjW Mt vjd H pH ^ dgH mi 33 n U *M y 1 r^d I : TTfr^TOTiTOT: I J lcdl *1 q fcl td «1 1 Pd r^^IrMIK^HM'qH II 3* II F ^luil Pddf^: II 3* II TOTMTRt: ^Hinlgi <. : Ji*-H q WW>£flT: SvaU 30 c. rTMl * M l SW° ] SvaU; rTVTFTFT 0 M v 30 d. rdPdHlPdd ° ] M y ; r^ftwif^T 0 SvaU 31 a. 3 T r o SvaU 31 b. lilies: 0 ] SvaU-, M v 31 cd. «|5sU fW^fr ] M y ; ff§l i : -r-ri H : SvaU 32 c. Ud^H ] em.; l^Fly : jfeYr ’TfY: I li ddtlfr cT^d R-d H d I dddd f^TTHTTW: +IHI^ : M y ; d l^(V>HTr$d Md : SvaU 44 cd. °d Ifl I : TTMTTTT: ] conj.; °dl'fl I TOfijTT M y 46 c. df>Tcf^ ^HtT ] conj. ; rfe U M y 47 ab. TTHfrM H°i) H* ] SvaU; l^l H* TtfTfd:?^r: ] SvaU; qid KiatiiPdran ?pT*r ' TT#r^r ddfll^ ^rt^l'd^P-Hd^ll II [>jrfNr*. ] 52 b. «^r:l conj.; :V 53 b. *TCT7 ^^T] M y ; &<.««*&- fej-irq- B 54 c. ] conj. Sanderson; ’^TH^PT? 0 M 54 d. °^- qro 1 M' ; W B 55 b. *T*F: ] M y ; *T3V: B 55 c. ] con j,, o qn^ r fi r M y 55 d. T& - : Hf: ] conj. Isa acson ; i««q^Ud . M v 56 a. 'TT3' ] em. Sanderson ; TT^ - M' 56 d. '“'iPtd: ] B; M 57 b. xfrHMTf g 1 conj.; ^TT ^ M V 57 c. M v 58 a . iT^fipfr. ] conj. Sanderson; 5T*f° M y 60 b. ] B; jtld^lPMPa it M v pw w gfr$'TT^ i «n«4<: i ^ £m: jn'd^^^rnRadi: 1 anr: aftft sf vr: f*ret wr s*jdT stt: ii ii tr?T s^J^nr: HF HfPTclT: MpH^HI : I [^ttWhro;] H%frT rj^^fddlPldH II II ^TTTcT ffr r+^4 J?T TJ=JRT TW I TW f>T d^l 1 * 1 r\ Ih n I «Jd H II II T'Prr -^Vpuj i|rtll I: f W ?Tt fcppH^II W II W*t ^«l1^: +fui+lR'idl : ] em.\ °4>lHdl M y 68 cd. JTDTTTJ^jTFFT PddHdRldl 0 ] conj.; IJTTTH^I'vJlIf+l PddHvirfldl ° M y ir^T^TTWRTO' I < d y d Ml + y + 1 Hd d Id J I HTT : II II f^oCTHTHT t^*dldT ^rTnTHfw^T: I ^r^Fr^r^ii V9«> ii fHT HIHim I ^rTfTWITT^- <« i ^u| d^nlVdcl II 'S* II 71— 72ab. SHT HIHI'^KT fe^TT «-H <4*1 q i * 11 fei 41 I •jot witjcT^t f^rrf^r *pfT?rr i ^ v j 1 | j-L| I J-l | c|ri I iiJiiddtii^nH’^cl 1 ffd" *s!1h ti*ii^TRT dVT w - M y ; HKAd'ddT B 74 c. ddl l p ] SvaUB c ; ? T T | M v (the tops of the aksaras are missing) ; P4R|JT^: I dlP*dlPd W: rd^HId^df4 ^ fefeT %^TF^T: f^FTT: II C* II ffT fw sftt ddlfh^d' dr$*'ll ^ II ^4d«T dl^d ffeYMT TFT M^d : I 82. Udd 'fe ’TTPTT W5fT •Ml'-H dPtld4l ^ SvaU . SJ^T ] SvaU; ferff M y 86 c. f^W $ ffeT ] SvaU; M y 86 d. dcfTT ] SvaU; dcfT: M y 87 a. ] em. ; Biwid' M y q* £^ n dKIllH PW: WPifeHdlH I wnsfr sfr ftrlr: 11 n HTTtT f^ftd^dd I 87cd. PiPt-g) qq %" dTSf^: 5'Tj*j < yn : ad Svacchandatantra 10:199. 88c-f. qq fqqjTVTl" ixqT fq^nqT^TT^^TT I pF ?qqT 'JTqTrq^T 5 cyan $ld qrrqt fqrwr^r ad Svacchandatantra 10:239. 89. |qf awqr HT sf^qq qq: H'dllrl: I yd^fq ddlfdl qrm^- f I ad Svacchandatantra 10:199. 90 cd. qq qrnq *P tKiPidwqT i ?fq qYrrrqr fr^w ad Svacchanda- tantra 10:237. 91 bed. fi^dld f^fddlH I ididj'i sfr r^qyiqf^Hidl feqqrd fnfr:n qfq sfi'uiqi rn^PidH ad Svacchandatantra 10:199. 87 c. ] M v ; ^ rTTS^: SvaU 87 d. 5NTf^ qqp ] M yc SvaU; ?mfir 51° M Voc ; 5tT Ri cj ° B c ; 4!h I trl -rj ° B oc 88 ef. fiiTHT cHTt^T: ] conj. Sanderson ; jqq faniwql*: M y ; j^qirqqr *cy*i SvaU 89 b. qqrPTch ] B c , SvaU ; H'dlMrl M y B“ c 90 b. ^qtw TMlWl ] conj . ; yUdHly*! M y 90 c. il^vl di^ld ] M y ; qntq St^fW SvaU 91 a. dTqTfq ] em. Sanderson ; qwrPr° M y 91 b. ] M y ; %qfqqpr SvaU 92 b. vnrq ^frqt- qrf ] B c ; Hit qTTrT ^fr | d^dd M y (unmetrical) ; TJ=mT»rTTcr ?fT: I d^dd B QC (unmetrical) qw: 'THTT: STWr W* ^*Ui-nH : I d$^d vx^yn^RT WII II HTTTT: WTfr T: fcf: tfTTCTc^: I 3TT^tTRJ dfclil ?rr ^ r 1 ilMHIr^^^ t SF*T fcT: ff^TTrfWII H dcMT: sf^Pfa" sftT ti^^^H. • qp^TPT dc^d^ -Winded I" II II f^T W^T^TTT I *rpr STFfcfT 11 ^ 11 ^qf^MTdcTTt q m *7T ^ftrfrfaw: I ftiw ^PTcfT" 5rT SPJcT dc^dYll \v» II ^ y TT cTWTCT^ ^t¥f ^HTT^T: I ^ l ldd^ T srf^T ftWT H^MHFTII ^ II ^d^^dr^ ft W ^TT ^cfh STft PJTfW ^Rd : II \\ II drM f : JHIHHtfl&V'Tf ^TT f8T- ^ 5TF*rf?T: I uffH-tfr S^i^fdT: fWdT: *JTT: II ? 0<;> II 92cd. f *T 3* I ^ ^Wmr ad Svacchanda- tanfcra 10:243ab. 92c.HT^T ^1 SvaU; *T?frT »pr M y 92 d. jmtfh ] SvaU; ^ M y 93 a. ^H^ T° 1 B c ; : 3TfgtT° M y B oc 93 d. ^ ] conj. Sanderson ; M y 95 a. dr^-: 1 M y B° c ; cTcTT B« 95 d. ‘^tW^TT ) conj. ; o gMdlMd-tp TT M y 96 b. $5T ] conj. ; JOT M y 96 c.^^qdl JW: ]_ coni ; KM ^T #t*T M y 97 a. ^«7f^r o ] em. Sanderson ; fc^il'**' 0 M y 97d. iX* II ^nrr ^tFr w ^ htt^ » «* 11 dcTTFcTnr^^^: dl*-4 * ^ : ^ 1 ^T: Sp^ <1 Ph d H i dl Pd d^HI": II II ^HiP^dTI 110. TOcT^r Ijf^n- ^ sarq-: HTT ?r *Irr: f^T : ' jrfV^TF^r iprfr: I ad Svacchandatantra 10 : 342 . 112b. ^rfr: ^fP^TRT *^F*T = Tirana 8:86b. [d^ 5T?T: ] ifr^FTTf^r faPSTc’TT dT d’l'fliH'&RT: I 1 1 1 ab. M«MHT^r II ft* II dcM<: <<« vn i<-hi <. q W M y 131 b. iq l : ] M ; fipAl rTT: SvaU 131 c. ^TT ] B ; x Jx r: ] conj.; crf^T: M r 138 c. TTT ] conj.; ffTT M v 139 c. Trft Sdl-dl 0 ] conj.; ddldid' 0 M v 140 a. ] em. ; df^r M v (unmetrical) W^T: HdH : ^id+irdy^wl'j'i^M- ^^iiu^hIRctr; i [ ^TT Tr S^4TT^rr ^T: ] ;rw d'^i <ll || TFTt' ^ fj'J| : HKiRW: ] conj . ; TRW M v hhRh fTW: II II f^r srf ^fad : i f%%^r ipntHi i^l TfcTFt ^ srtrpnT: n ^o n t^" <* 5 1 dd) TTTR^% ^ HlrHdi II W H fw^t f^TrtTT^ *IM|Wj ^FTFFTFRT: I JTRT^' J|^*im : fl4 i : II ^ II ^ S^TtWir ^T r^^HI^I: I f%1w^TOjfw PdPd^ddijdl : II m II r^r^^^+idirH^chirH^iidi: i ^gJ^TWIVTTr: W* II didN^lPdni ^T: : I 5TRX: ^PddJM I HH'd l ^HiW II *** II HdlPJId fWcff Pd^HK^HIHIil : | dcTT: *T f?Nt 5T: fl^dT-ddH I'd d : II %H\ II T d HIM id : P+'Py ^4 ^T <^IMi -w,.r^d : i dMKHHdV r^4^| 4 U|l T rrf^TTII * II 3 ab. rTVT TtT*zr — («(*-g : f'S'^ici • ST^TrfjnT^Jrf^T I ad Sataratnasaii- graha 25, p. 45. Also quoted in the Siddhantasamuccaya of Tlilocanasiva (IFP MSS T. 284, p. 157, and T. 206, p. 91) and (without attribution) in the Somasambhupaddha- titfka (IFP MS T. 170, p.34). 5c— 6d. rTpi flflHc-M ’ l^ld) — -dHl'SMdd') ( AB ; «Tt C ) *T dl&dl 1 4§fl* 3TT(BC; ^TTWETA) FJrlT flfflld $dlfcl [S ]%7TRT W: ( BC ; ^T: A) I W f%^TTT ( A ; f^fTTTf C ; fa^TT B ) II Siddhanta- samuccaya IFP MSS T. 284 [=A], p. 156, T. 206 [=B], p. 91, and GOML R 14394 [=C], pp. 38-9. 5c-6b. Cf. Pauskara 8: 19c-20b: dt||4HM 7fr P^W I ^t ^ crfl/TT I flfWrlT 3^: fl^liS^rMi *7rT: I 1 c. : ] conj. ; M v 2 b. “y^-jHIR ] conj.; °SPfr7RT M v 3 a. f?pp ] SaftaP, T206; ftFf M y SaRal/(vl) , T284, Soga PaTT 4 a . ] conj. ; 5IT° M v 5 c. dMl H J l **1 ) j n Tattvaprakasa 25, p. 47 and, without attribution, in the second chapter of the Saiva- paribhasa (p.85). The whole unit (6c-7b) reappears in the tantravatarapatala of the South Indian Pauskara (8:18c-19b). 7c-8b. Cf. Pauskara 8: 20c-2 lb: PdlddliTIdPi ^dl-Np^d I ddHIdtlydlPd : PHd^dl I 9-llb. Cf. Pauskara 8:34c-36: T dulotlPd^^ui ffctfrr: l K T f^Tvft T fovft dP^vTl TPTT- few: i t dPdirHhV) *r fagpr i 6 a, PJcTT qWIcf ] em . ; d§d*>dl ^fTT Id M y SiSa; 5T|VT Pffw- 5TT : Pau 6 b. fd'lfcC S^cRT W: ] M y , T206, 14394 ; fdldl 4dHMd: T284 ; fcT^TiS^THT tRT: Pau 7a.^] M y SaRaU; ^ ^ PauBha; Ptt- $ PauVr? 7 b. -M^dP^-bd ] B c , SaRaU; ' ^rnt ITT T ^T P**^l TTT ^Pd : I dridufVd^ : F*TtT S^MPdHI^: II « II li«hW I ^4 t ST^T: *T PT: STTtW: I duf^ft fr: d^-: II ^ II ^^rJillMTf ffeTFTIJTt T P«bd I fr M Pd dt WT: -H 4-T.lTt T^TT: Iwd - : II ^ II <^4^ u l'dfifd>l Ji |rFt S 1 ^! - S°ff sfwFT^r: I T 4P 4t d" <2^41 T U| dT 4t4t d" d - ddrpFT 4l ddT II d? II 15 a. dP dcT ] M y ; cT=T Pau 15 b. PdPd^4,Pd ] con/. ; PdR^Xd' M y ; fT- Id Pau 15 c. dFTTT*hpftf?T: ] conj.; n*-Hi<;dydld M y ; n^ldif M^Pn : Pau 16 ab. dul'dl ?rfwr: SIW tdPp° ] M y ; SldiP SI P?bp4il>!p 0 PauBha; d#JT: STST: SI*>ltdd>P 0 PauVr 16 c. ] M y ; Pau 17 b. 3 kT- *TP ] M y ; 3PT dt Pau 17 cd. °Pr*MI y<-HI^};«r: ] Pau; °fWT dfHI^«i M y 18 b. °f||d*^l^MdlMdl dPd: M y ; d" dT«mT- Md l ^ : PauBha; d dTWTdTVdt dPT: PauVr 19 b. Pdddl dT ^PdfaPT: ] M y ; ITf d^dd’dfpPJd': Pau 19 c. yct|l-U|yrdld«M^ : ] em. ; yrdP-dM- K||, : II ^ II qrw #rRfr«HoM i d ^>>f^r>r^ *r dirr; i cTRT^ T iJ^Tf^T M^^aql^d : II II TfT: fcRTt Hl+d°dd$lHqP^nd ( B; d A) 1 «^d1 fT rTVT *jg l H^Tt(B; 3ft A)rTFfTfT^mi (B: d^T A) TH^WTcT ^Ml«mdV g^TT( B ; ddd A) I dT ^ l ^dfjd T TST dT ddt rT^rTT W: lljtd fH^4 rT:(B; 4 cTT A) ftdd: I H^liuildfd df^ddcTT: II g^TT q- m^^iqq^ntld T ?fd I Siddhantasamuccaya of Locanasiva, IFP MSS T. 284 |=A], p. 158, and T. 206 [=B], p. 93. _ 27ab. Cf., in a similar context, Matahgavidyapada 7:44: ^^d-d" 'JHI-yfHicrqn-4. q^PBT: 22a.dTdPF:] Pau; dtdP* M y_ 22 ab. dd deft ] M v ; dd ddT fST- fd *T%cfT M v 'TTT^ rPT TT ddPdTlfjdl %CT HT HTf dr$ fr-M d I : I dTTiddl^ldNddil pPT: HHdfU^WSfc:f*W: H *° » y^rsr tttt i 3P5T: HTfTHT^t jllT^ - TST^T %T I RrjTRTFTgj Tfr ’T iPh < 4 37 c> ^ % ] conj. Isaacson ; TT-T M y 40 a. ] conj. Anjaneya Sarma; 40 c “Sra-: ] em.; M v 42 a. IRPH^T 0 ] conj. Isaacson ; M v 43 a. cTf^TT Ht ] conj.; M Y • ^ T° 1 co nj. Isaacson; M v 43 c _ ] conj. Kataoka; 3»<«iUc4*idrJ| M v 43 d. lT° ] conj . ; ^Tfr M' ^fr qfr qt «ww*h y+iviid n ** ii TTTW cP% 5 T^TT 9 T I Wk: dlfPdq.': SToqt oq^TTf^T^TT: I •hHad q^fcr qqmP: y+PdMd : 11 ** n W HfdHdoiD dN^Hi-q^^-d : I 3 Tqff JTTfeM + yiqf oqlHl^dN +1 II II nld*l*P cd H l d I d I R<^ ^ IV* J] : shT^d I ty^fdsi-rq'qr^T^ ddiPddddlPddHt 11 *v$ 11 drWHOT JjfdJfltfi fl|dfdH °q|$d : I Pi!M|.$sl^u||£H q^f: fqrqqrf^RT: || yq II ft - : qtqfa^qqfVRT: i HJrf 4 ^qiRd|-dl qq sfr yPdmPrd': 11 h ^i<*;dqiKlPx|c ^r f t^TT^TTf^TWII *5, II eh h d i urw Pm h i ^ r^~ Pai q m *s( m ^ i d^X^ddiH^^cd^ddkd'-l.d II ^ 11 q | -oq q I -q qi M *-q • J <4 HI C^pT • 'TkT^^cT* I dr'+trl'^ T *>^’ dHiicd ^ d P-d d : f^TT: II II [^ddldT: S|«HMdl(d dTT: ] WR ddH I %^TIT i!l«iMNI' ^TT>T dPSvf: W did*: I On rf: htst^t sfr n*^Niw^c'+»H*r ii n II Hi r^^ui ^dl+lfd^lfaSh I ^jcrrfr ^wr *twrt ^tt mfd^l h^tii it SnfiTTT 73TT I 91^": ( B ; 9T^" AC ) y<;ciid : II dl^^U dlddil^d) $dddird9l«idd^ I 5T- rqpT^- ^ 9T^3Trq^H^raf^r: ( B ; ^ 9 1 -dycd^rddf^d : A; ^d9 l «ddl ( B ; Hm-nfn tlrfdl C; WTfWT H" ^Rlfr A) II ^'Ji'd'Jif'S'ii d'l 0 ] conj. Acharya; 3TT>£iifr 0 M y 70 c. *T pfr ] co nj.; ^1^41 M y ; ^ddlfdlJd) RT^t B 70 d. "ti^dl ] conj. ; “H’SHTT: M y 71 a. Tajd 4t ] conj. ; fefW M y 72 a. STTVT^T ] B c ; 5P4T^T M y B oc 73 b. SmT: ] conj. ; gmT M y FPTFT WT *RrT FTfar: STWfa'II II Mil«^ fT^T *r f^rr cTr iprr ftt ^H41Pd<*>i i TTT STf dT cTT f+H^: Hp'+PrM^ : II VS* II u«+>Fd d f^rprmP ^+4'i <: ^ T: 1 3T^ft sfr ^TWRTrT: «hK'J||^lyi|n<: II vs* II d"T J A Ph ■m H I W 4-M I vil H n ®dW I 4dH<*Hrddl HJlWd PdVdMPdd : ^TWII ^ II *-d4^l<«i*1 rTrSTtf^hTT FIT Pi Ram T I dc4*'d T1 ' a ^ y ^ dcJ'W I MiylfM nTiuT FTr^aft Ptttt n vsq n FloilHKlRdHI fCT ^JcTTTTfrW^ I 3T^y r««mr<^MHrWdl: I pH cd ^ Pd Pd 4i IT^TT dl H| | : fSMlfcjt II II [fadJHKfdldFi^K : ] (d n 78c. *7 *T T 5TT WT7 ] tops missing in M y . 79d. 7 *T7 vHH 57 3T ^ ] tops missing in M v . 80a. ^ ^ *7 ] tops missing in M y . 80cd. H" RT W I RT *7 RT &7 §“ RT RT RT ] tops missing in M v . 75 c. ^TTtJTRTrf: ] conj. Isaacson ; <*K^l I d : M y (unmetrical) 76 c. f-R jlfrlcT ] em. ; P-3 J 1 dd M v 77 b. °4^T ] conj.; °4<4 1 M y 78 b. d I ^hrdH ] B; c7 — [-4-] — M v 78 c. HT rl fp-H -3 *31 M 1 rM ] conj.; — [-3-] — *7 $77 577 WT7 M y ; PR7 B 79 f. R^77 41^1 : 5141^3 ] conj. ; RT 7 *TT R3T 57 3T fc J M Y ; q^T7 *TTW 5RHf^ B 80 a. =3Rjftr>b ] conj. Isaacson; rj 7*7 T*7 M v (tops missing) ; ^Rjf*TT*7 B (unmetrical) 80 cd. ti H I W I cTl MHI>Juf^4irHdl ] B; FT >TT W rlT *T ^TT X ^ §T ^ r TTT RT M v (tops missing) TST : H iH" : ?oV9 tiUc^ T r^l^T sHah : I q H ^ pj M it ^tfw r^.^MJI II q^ftvpr fqrf^T 'hm* Pm^hctw wi r\*\ r% riTvinadMrHr^tT ^131^^1^^: II ^ H ff?T ■ylM ' I ^ H^ld'% BTOfa^TTTOrT: TO: II II Pd-yiMK: H^TTO: II II 81a. H'Srrq'TrT^T^d'] tops missing in M v . 81 a. TOr^T f^frT B ; W ST rV T T^T «T cT M Y 81 h . S ^T Sferr:] conj.; TOPTf fW: M Y (immetrical) 81 c. 1 conj . M v 82 a. iT^f^TO ] B c ; rrt^TTO M v B“ c 82 b. W- 1 con j.; (unmetrical) .Colophon: M^HhKTO^ T: ] conj.; H^fa-dKM^arflHisi'HcH : M v II T27=t: II ** II 5T^T9T I H IflHlM l-M I d Pd Pd^T : I 4)Pm^ % II Ij^ Ph ^ Pdf # TT dT PiPvi^ I -H #T dT II ^ II ^PnTrrfwr ^mTT^rr frt&r f dl ^ HI 1 ^cbPdPydPdTr^ Pd^P^dl II 3 II M^HPw+d^|4d^PHIdHm-m I H d Pmil^TI id) T?T% d P) II * II |"q ?P| *1 1 'Tvfl I ^J_d I ^ l"d Ji d Ril VJ| H Pi I ^adl ^ftr^T d s *) d v dd R-d cdl II ^ II di^fV fdMFt I ^TTT ddMMI*H I d) J 1 41 J ^ • dMiqi <.*)dr^d cfcT: II \ II i spftst 3^rar] b ; ii ii ® h ii ^ ’ft ’frn * ^mwrx^rsfr wm v 2d. °fW^l em.; ‘flit M y (unmetrical) 4 b. ] M Yc ; »fW- ^mTfTT M y “' 5 a. farfmFFJTTf 0 ] B' ; f^TFHTg;” M y ; [Win.^ 0 B*J 5 b. dWT 5Tf?T ] conj.; ^JPTCT ?fw fTM y 7 c. ] conj.; ^ M v ddlK'J| ; M y ; °«J I cj | H U| : B“ c 16 b. %f?T ] conj.-, PfP M y 18 a. frqpf] B c ; $«jid M yc ; fHTT M y "‘'B 0<: 18 b. 5PJ: ] em.; SRf M y m rT^T PTFT f¥^T^rTII \\ II ijqt ^•MM'MI'j'4 ^r^t5t cT f%VTT^T I y I ufl W^T f| H I 'W M 1 d 4 ^ q d d i ^ d II II ^T cT MK^cPT 5TTW #T^T I frjrr^T dHMHI-W ^THTt MTT^tTVTII ^5» II •3TTRT S*T W: 5ftW: H l fH R-t| cfl fT: I ^ n flH I dl S^T:^r: ’TRW TTfTT fWT. I cf Ml J 4dPfdd H*TFT WHTW: II ^ II ^<;id | <,4c'h'J M conj . ; Sfmr M y 22 d. f^f^ 0 1 M y ; f^f^TT 0 B c ; P^.f^ -il \ B ° C 23 c - * tnxo ] em. ; d ] conj.; M y 27 d. dKI faVTTRT ] conj.; fltd fadl M y 29 a. fTWT ] conj . ; U[-2-] M y H^,d l jMX F^friw: I 'jr^r ^tftfcRii 3° n fn=H%T frft^T t^rrnr SMd ilyun^Hdi^d : n n f5RWt^TT^r: PdR l h i u3 HfwrrrfV tkttt d 4 dMfrn 11 3 TT^RrdTwr trrrr spHT ht ^-m^i^hi i fddVdPdMHIdT TT «HI«d M y 48 a. SpHT HT ] conj.; ^p*TT dT M v 48 b. “Mill ] em. ; °*mTT: M y 48 cd. ° ] conj.; °W- fWRt SpT° M v 49 ab. '“'TffH’ ^i|K^/=£r 5T ] conj . ; “dlT RT f 5dT ^ dTM y ; °TfftT J^Nfpt dT B 'HI**) ^Id^lddVM : || v\ || 'dl^dld «iPTr»^TPrr dlHKJ £ldi»ll*d : I *lddlHfddlaid«H n [Rrl d Id ftdddrfdRd II ^ II l^rr-1 5TdtT 3dTd I rfFT dTTt dfd: STtW d «4M «S M + 1 HlkTr I q- ^ dT dTd M d I M *1 1 rMI lTlt>t fd^f* II ^ » Ud>l VT ddld I duv i«f t TTrft fd f srfddird ^T^i ^ df stHidlf^ sdtftdn II II f^njr^TvT JTfddTdT jiMoqT^^ I HHi*KPdVHl$f sn^T^fd^dTII %* II ScflT S^Tdl «j4 H | cd T Stlffr vddfdt d ddT: I fdrd 5fTd ftdd dFd dFTRTfT: dd dtcfll W II y+ivr UIW) cT^- W TO^ dtotoNt IN' TRTWT II ^ II atoto Frrttonrrfttow i *s dfrTr dldtl fWT tT'd'HMddd: II ^ II 5TFT fwtopnft d T fw ftocW: 1 tdMMp^PW: ^TRt HliifNKdH f*TWr M y ; B“ c 74 a. ] B e ; M y B a<: 75 d. Pq^J ] em. ; [q««j M y n«r% d r* *$i ^^1^1 r&*i ^ ^ «i : *r*rn ^ h TT^tt 3T dlH^'^: fpIcT: H" TT^aT: I ^ ^ *5J^ |d : 1 f^aj: STN^HcdrcT SPRY WTft: 5Pf : II V9S II ^F3T d II d& I ^HIMfM& RTT Bcqi^ «fjl I «$il<^l- SirT^r 0 SiSaVya 78 d. 3W 3T d&Ydld: ] M y , SiSaVya; [amYl'ld^ SiSuVr, SaiPaBha 78 f. TdPT: ] M y , SiSaVya; ddPd Si SuVr, S aiPaBha 79 b. RT] M y , SaiPaBha, SiSaVya; RTT SiSuVr 79 c. 0J |«l£hidHf I HfWrT: ^FTt tw ff?T f^RTII q^ II [**'■) cTWWrrafw^TT dc*HKgu|lfHH: I WRTcT ^Mim Ptcqtql 5 ?!. ’TrFFfT^TTcf II q^ II rl^u||Hl^i| cRT R# f«Hli!igu|fjgdH I gW HT5T gft RRf fVw cTrr^ H I ^ ^ d II q* II [^nrrfvr: ] rdqlnj.; U I' 2 '] M ” ’ HI 1 M v • df5TdT B 93 a. dRTcf ] M r B“ ; mdTrT B‘ 94 b. l c ° nJ ' ^.hl^ T M y 94 c. tpR^T 0 ] conj. Isaacson ; IpPfrST 0 M v 94 d. B c ; H^fJdrT M v B oc TTW rT^- f^JrdT?T HddlPl : sft^^WTTcT: II \V9 II [5Tr*Tip5- ^d^P&tri<5^idi5aqdHpt-'=’cS J ';i I cTfir^TTw: frnsr ^ftfrpfr ^fmrrr fdPd<5'Md : I dc^&m^H'-d°dl %fr*IHH II W II SrpHP^HMddd ^WT%rr?r <^A|d I 3TTrHHI W ^ FMIdPcdi =TTf^=cT HsfldH II >oo || ST^Kluii fd fd d I >J| | H H d ^ - pHdUjHH I T -*>PtJcd4d| ^TSTT ^Idl dT d P^Pd S) -4 : II || 3on^t w t fwwr sRcfr d^lPd^ forciV i Pd^IHldifllH^idPinHi Pdrydld^ II ^ \\ amT^TTfr m fj | rddd4>d^u1P4dd I *T cTfpP: $ dirt! eddied : II II Sfcd4d H%flW 3T^TT gHfi+lljj-UMH I Ned 41 sfr d4dfd d)J|^*HI dlPld : II II [acd.lT'd:] 103ab. 0, T T 4" T d" ] tops missing in M v . 103 cd. tops missing in M v . 104ab. tops missing in M Y . 98 a. dlOdtPa 0 ] conj. ; #1^' M y 98 d. dTT: ] conj. ; TTT: M y 99 c. ?T- f^FT] conj.; cRT 5T5T° M’'B ae ; cTtf ST2T 0 B c 101 b. °BIHd ^fi-tHUddd ] B; °m — M v 101 c. T + : I j^K l ^d^ ll ^K Td ; ^r^TcTII *°* » f diqs<^r>*i^ I *TTW f-hUMr T t^FfTT PH <4*$^ ^ : t " ^ 11 dc^il^ dt M q l Pd PqPqMqpMrr I TT 7 T ^J l PMMM lfr qU l HUftfi r STTWTII *<>V 2 > II ^P^yPdi'id*Tl gRndNdM II 3 II SRTT9T WR I j?r A)-4iP;di i m qrwr qrqT^mtTTrr: II dM^4lP4 d4-4l$- ’i'jH^MlRlHauil II d4^di|jddl4l4'm: >M: P^MdldlM^d : I cie-M ^7 d^^cdTift&n" dT rql^ dl d^eTII ad Sataratnasangraha 68, p. 77. 9ab, lOcdef, 14. iW ?tT dd$ed ftgTT 1 H I ^-4) vr%cT II PJIFTrS' f4 5PTFT(A; 4FT C) 4cT error HliM-H-rl^ : ( A ; TFeFt C) I ftdTfteTT flRIWdl cf^TdTd erFIM^ fw^eTTII Idlld TTf ?tWT $n1dl*T Pt>4lPddl I ^.dededd =T ?Ft ?7*Ft <+>Hfll- vre^ril TTFScft 3TT4twrFT(?) I FT JflPbfdKI ?teiMH4 (A; ^ C)FFT^WT I Href cNg - fterr f%vt*Ft(A ; eFftoft c) ii(?) *Rtv4eiqd>A €t^r mkIhkI i 5 TRcft 4 'md^d 44 fd*a sr gut'll ftei 4 i^M gHhftj h^tt yifuiHifai? (a ; TTfoRT C) I dHUrJ pJl : t^nr ^frr: cTr?TT>=Ri^pr , Tt n \ n 'tft d ^ i ry w I HiT^r ffaw. fttcT a^iini i r^NrdP T STCFT W #W TTW^h I frm h^twctt d^pnremii^crrii ?° n [srfvFTTTnS' fTRFfrerr ■, Rrernr Iddlui^tfsTT ; ^jcd «T $iMl(d ] WtT I sTFTT dT Md-^Tty: f^FRT -d^iddl I ■Mlild 3T d 4 -MTyt d^+ir^TII w II 'ttm ^tti cRT: JTFTfWTt sfrcT wflWITcTO: I sftwr: will ^ II T cT=T drdfi^r^: ^TTfH^TrTTRcT: I d M -H I dT d"dT HT FTTtRT dtW F dlddl II ^ II ddlM F^T: TTT 5?ttfT $TFTdW f^FTTf^TT I 4»dHHd ~ T 3TT ^-Md" ^Hflld+H II ** II this chapter of the Parakhya (to which I suspect the last two verses might also once have belonged, since they are elsewhere attributed to the Parakbya: see Appendix I C:54-5), and is to be found in Sarvatmaiambhu’s appendix to the Sarvamatopanyasa IFP T. 284, p. 26 (=A) and IFP T. 801, p. 20. 10c— f. I (tTf?F T170) Hti^ ra i ded HI STTR" W ( fcldH T $PSX srfVTT: T170) STW 'TT5THFTd‘: I €t«n- fld l Hd l dl d^MI«dtld»ll rr(Pr T170) fHJcTTII rfdr I Trilocana&va’s commentary on the Somasambhupaddhati, IFP T. 170, p. 175, and R 14735, p. 116. 9 cd. ?T HHliP l dl4d 1 ^Pd'+iHHlir^dTaq- B 10 a. SP^Rtc* ] conj . ; M y 10 b. st&rnTT: ] em.; ftSTPTT M y 10 c. friqcqHI ] R14735 ; [s i ded H T SVFT W M y ; ISIdHI €lW srfVtT: T170 10 d. Hi*m- tTTd - : ] SoSaPaTT ; dISIfl'dcl : M y 10 f. 6TWRT ] M y , R14735 ; 8W T170 12 c. dvrdHI^I^ 1 conj.-, RcT M y 12 d. cTOT ] conj.; cTcT: M y 14 b. $u^l«ii«r ] conj . ; 5ti^«w«T M v W: d^twfasTFP dcfj^ T Rb J -TlPr^dH I m N & rr 0>iiMT ddd dl SI I d l %T fd^ld : I df#T jTRf^r ^ sfr f*f=^pr ^RildlcHdlH II || dfrtor djfddTdd TTW T^Tfer: I dd'fdfHl^dd dd Wt: II ^ II ['flwii'n [?] ddlT dTPT I d%r dc^Tsjrnr w fdwd sf^nr i ^HKldl^Hlild T f|r dT fFW H%cT II ^ II 5RiT5fr ^Nl dTVdTcT dTWfd^M fd 4 Id TPT dtdpT: I d^dTfadTdfjff dtqTdcd STREP II II dTddP dduTT dlfT W: dTfd %dT IdddT I dr^srr fdT^srr d drlw jrrfrdt ddTii ^ 11 15 b. ] conj. ; dg*TM y 15 b. P^Rr^d ] B c ; M y B° c 17 d. '“Mpsia: ] conj. ; '•'Hpbii M v 19 c. ?T ] em.\ W: M v 21 a. dgl^«l fTRrRJT] conj. Isaacson ; rt Q k l'<’J| f^dfdHI M y 22 d. rTT ] conj. ; cT5T M y 23 cd. “^frnt *il Ml H ° ] conj. Isaacson; ° <11 m I ?il M I <4 ° M v rH<^Rsdl5lMi + lPddi^4^Md I diilyiPr HT^arr frr^rr frsfriwrii ^ n fFPh fmUNI^U^dr#: T jftf?^‘: I MiHIJJd': II ^ II SPTTT 3TPT 1 ui^cKfinu-H fzyr £terr f^crr w i pH <4 ~ tf T *T3T 4P&TT sI^H-mIP^ f*TTII ^ II y+Nd 3TPr i grTwr^TT^w^ 5i^d4P^ fwH'ft sfr frnroff Pnvi^dcfiiNiT] t f^nrn *3 TT#^T ^c^lN^ l lcd^dNd : I ^Tf fi4-^uf £)«}ld+>tH cfPTT dldltlHKIdT *jfV I cTcT W| I P-^i.d cd ^Prbd t Tk=TR;II ** II [HlWHUHNHMNcTT pTTfrTT ] 5TcfrT dill I ft #rrif^jf^rftfwr i ddfrl^Nfl^M HHi'+i'^i : II *\ II y + lST 3^T I 3PTTT^Wr jjwt ht^tt d" d d 1 Pn Cl H I HRd fl I 'M d * H cd I a SRtW ^T: II *^9 II *ld: n l 'Ji -1 1 h « i i fR>T ddddlPd Pd'H-rt 37*T pf: tfc; fpTcTT T M ir«THl»^MJ|dl ] srcfTr stht 1 jpifi^ip'TiRai'ii^inirHw^^r^: 1 fdfHId^d'i u[- 4 -]u^TT 3 JWrvRT:tll II snfrrsr i UJ|fi^|pd{irmdl I W HUrddl f^T: TT: II IjR II dcWHld ijuifqirH: HTfT ?T fKflTpMMdl I rT^T W ?T fa fa+d rH df M v 55 ab. °d"*TTf^Tc3T5TT° ] M y ; “dqifw- oTRT° B c ; 0 ddlfat4cdl?ll ° B“ c 55 d. fl II [3T^T d'd^iqcm : ] ddddd 'TT ?PT ft^TRT ^ 1 4 dl M Pd H I STF n^TFTfrT STK-d^di W cTTII V9^ || [d'dHIIMfi^K : ] TTn^TTdlTniT^rTT^T: 'A *>M I d d I *d ^ T ^ S^IHNd^HI : srfrrfTT «TTtRtT d^l^dH I d^lRdHHI^hdHtniH^riWdl^