DIODORUS OF SICILY
WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY C. BRADFORD WELLES
r E
PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT HISTORY, YALE UNIVERSITY
IN TWELVE VOLUMES VIII
BOOKS xvI. 66-95 AND XVII
LONDON
WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
MCMLXIII
© The President and Fellows of Harvard College 1963
TO THE GENERATIONS OF SCHOLARS ANCIENT AND MODERN WHO HAVE TRIED TO UNDERSTAND
ALEXANDER
Printed in Great Britain
INTRODUCTION
BOOK xvI (cHaPs. 66-95)
BOOK
XVII .
ADDENDA .
INDEX . .
MAPS
MAP OF GREECE AND SICILY
.
CONTENTS
.
.
.
PAGE 5 1 ` 21 . 105 . 473 . 475 At end
MAP TO ILLUSTRATE ALEXANDER’S CONQUESTS
INTRODUCTION
Dioporus’s CHRONOLOGY
Tue parts of Diodorus’s Library of History which are covered in this volume offer few serious chronological problems. As elsewhere, Diodorus identifies each year by the Attic archon and the Roman consuls, adding the number of the Olympiad every four years. As elsewhere, he tries to complete the narrative of each event at one time, and this often leads him to continue a story beyond the year to which it belongs, or to begin its account later than would be strictly correct. Specific dates as an aid to the reader are here added in footnotes, when they are known.
Consuls’ and archons’ names differ not infrequently from those which are attested otherwise, either in part or in whole, and these latter are supplied in foot- notes, the archons from J. Kirchner’s Prosopographia Attica (Vol. 2 (1903), 635) and the consuls from T. R. S. Broughton’s The Magistrates of the Roman Republic (Vol. 1, 1951). The manuscript form of the names is kept in text and translation. For the consuls, it is enough to refer to the study of the problem by G. Perl, Kritische Untersuchungen zu Diodors römischer Jahrzählung (1957). The years covered by this vo- lume, 345 to 323 B.c., offer fewer problems than else- where. Since he lacks the so-called dictator years, one of which (333 s.c.) falls within this period, the consuls are dated by Diodorus two or three years later than in the Varronian chronology.
VOL. VIII B 1
INTRODUCTION
For some reason, the consuls of 345 B.c. are placed three years earlier than in other lists.
The problems of the calendar year employed by Diodorus to date events in the Alexander story has recently been investigated by M. J. Fontana, Kokalos, 2. 1 (1956), 37-49. His conclusion that Diodorus here follows the Macedonian year which began in the autumn, but identified it by the names of the archon and the consuls who took office up to eight or nine months later, seems well founded. In the later years of Alexander’s life, Diodorus’s chronology becomes quite confused.:
Earlier, in Book 16, on the other hand, the assign- ment of the battle of Chaeronea to 338/7 B.c. (chaps. 84-87) shows that Diodorus was there not following the Macedonian calendar. His choice in each case was presumably made for him in his source. His assignment of the sieges of Perinthus and Byzantium to 341/0 s.c. (chaps. 74-76), while they were narrated by Philochorus under 340/39 s.c. (F. Jacoby, Frag- mente der griechischen Historiker, no. 328, F 54), is ex- plained by the fact that the events occurred in the spring and summer of 340 B.c.
SOURCES AND CHARACTER OF THE NARRATIVE,
Boox XVI
Unlike Book 17, which only rarely interrupts the story of Alexander’s career to mention events else-
1 The chronological system followed by the Marmor Pa- rium is somewhat different, and seems to have no bearing on the tradition of Diodorus. Cp. Jacoby, Fragmente der griechi- schen Historiker, no. 239, B 1-8, and Jacoby’s commentary, pp. 698-702.
2
INTRODUCTION
where, the second half of Book 16 contains two prin- cipal narratives, interspersed by two literary refer- ences (chaps. 71. 3; 76. 5-6) and a number of notes referring to other matters, chiefly of a chronological interest : the Molossians (chap. 72. 1), Caria (chap. 74. 2), Tarentum (chap. 88. 3-4), Heracleia Pontica (chap. 88. 5), Cius (chap. 90. 2) and Rome (chaps. 69. 1; 90. 2). There are two references to Athenian activities (chaps. 74. 1; 88. 1-2). Otherwise the stories of Timoleon and of Philip are interwoven on a chronological basis (Timoleon : chaps. 66-69. 6; 70. 1-6; 72. 2-73. 3; T7. 4—83; 90. 1; Philip: chaps. 69. 7-8 ; 71. 1-2; 74. 2—76. 45; 77. 2-3; 84. 1—87. 3 ; 89; 91-95). The source or sources of all this have been much discussed, and certainty is impossible.
In one chapter (83), it is reasonable to suppose that Diodorus, the Siciliote, is writing from his own obser- vation, as he expressly does of Alexandria in Book 17. 52. 6. Otherwise the problem of Diodorus’s sources is complicated by the fact that we have very few specific fragments of earlier historians whom he may have used in this period. Since we have so little, for example, of Ephorus, Theopompus, Diyllus, Timaeus and the rest, and since J. Palm has shown how drasti- cally Diodorus not only abridged and even distorted his sources but also rephrased them (Über Sprache und Stil des Diodorus von Sizilien, 1955), all analyses based on style are unrewarding. On the other hand, there are certain indications which may be mentioned.
In the latter part of Book 16, Diodorus quotes Demosthenes (chaps. 84-85) and Lycurgus (chap. 88), possibly also Demades (chap. 87), and these quota- tions may or may not have been direct. On one oc- casion he uses a word which may be traced back to
3
INTRODUCTION
Theopompus (chap. 70. 3; p. 37, n. 6). He specifi- cally mentions Theopompus (chap. 71. 3) and Ephorus and Diyllus (chap. 76. 5) as authors whom he knew and presumably had read. Once he seems to differ from the little known historian Athanis (chap. 82. 5; p. 67, n. 6). Diyllus, Ephorus, and Theopompus to- gether can have covered all the events here described by Diodorus. I do not feel, with most of the com- mentators, that chap. 71. 3 means that Theopompus dealt with no Sicilian events later than the expul- sion of Dionysius; he merely did not devote any books exclusively to the area after Book 43.
A certain presumption exists that Diodorus took his account of Timoleon from Theopompus (or pos- sibly from Diyllus, but we know almost nothing about him), or, at any rate, not from Timaeus, in view of the markedly different tone of his narrative from that of Plutarch. Plutarch’s Timoleon is a barely probable and clearly tendentious eulogy ; ep. E. Schwartz, Real-Encyclopädie, 5 (1905), 687, and especially the analysis of H. D. Westlake, Timoleon and his Relations with Tyrants (1951). Diodorus, on the other hand, while laudatory, is generally credible. If Plutarch’s account goes back to Timaeus, as is very likely in view of that writer’s great partiality for Timoleon (Polybius, Book 12 ; ep. Jacoby, op. cit. no. 566 ; R. Laqueur, Real-Encyclopädie, A 11 (1936), 1156-1162 ; T. S. Brown, Timaeus of Tauromenium, 1958), then Diodorus must have drawn on another source.
In the case of Philip, the only specific evidence we have is that (in contrast with the situation in Book 17) the story of Diodorus differs sharply from that of Trogus-Justin. Diodorus’s account of Philip is gener- ally favourable. The Greeks joined Philip willingly
4
INTRODUCTION
out of gratitude and affection (chaps. 69. 8; 71. 2); Philip preferred to make friends rather than to defeat enemies (chap. 95. 3). In Justin, on the other hand, Philip is wily and treacherous. I make no suggestion as to the source of Justin, but it is not uņreasonable to suppose that Diodorus’s portrait is taken from Theopompus. Itis true that the preserved fragments of the Philippic History do not give a rounded picture of Philip. Many of them are concerned with his con- viviality (or depravity, depending on how you look at it). Theopompus was evidently interested in stories of the festive life in general, and so was Athenaeus, through whose agency most of these reports have been preserved. Drinking and conjoined activities were a Macedonian pleasure. We see this also in the case of Alexander. In Diodorus, however, this is all controlled and made serviceable to Philip’s political ends, as in the celebration following the victory of Chaeronea (chap. 87) and in the wedding of Cleopatra (chap. 91). Essentially the same balance appears in Theopompus (note especially Jacoby, op. cit. no. 115, F 162). We may remember Theopompus’s critical attitude toward Demosthenes, as reported in Plutarch, Demosthenes, 13. 1 ; 25-26. This strongly suggests a favourable attitude towards Philip.:
As to the narrative in the second part of Book 16 in general, Diodorus displays the unevenness for which he is well known. He indulges in vague gen- eralities and often fails to get things quite right. On the other hand, he is capable of writing, or of
1 Cp. further the useful studies of the sources of Book 16 by P. Treves, Annali della R. Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa ; Lettere, Storia e Filosofia, 2. 6 (1937), 255-219, and N. G. L. Hammond, Classical Quarterly, 31 (1937), 79-91 ; 32 (1938), 136-151.
5
INTRODUCTION
repeating, dramatic and exciting stories. His account of the siege of Perinthus (chaps. 74-76), of the battle of the Crimisus (chaps. 79-80), of Chaeronea (chaps. 84-87), and of the death of Philip (chaps. 91-95) are good reading, all the more because in all but the second instance they are our only surviving account of these events. Diodorus is interested in the opera- tion of Fortune and the reverses which that deity could produce (chap. 70. 2) and he is piously delighted when sacrilegious men meet their just deserts (chaps. 78—79. 1 ; 82. 1-2). We may be grateful that he has been preserved.
SOURCES AND CHARACTER OF THE NARRATIVE,
Boog XVII
Diodorus does not name his source or sources in the Alexander History,! nor does he anywhere cite any of the historians of Alexander except in Book 2. 7. 3, where Cleitarchus is quoted as his authority for the size of Babylon. Ptolemy, the future king and Arrian’s principal source, is mentioned only as an actor in the story. Diodorus does not even give in a literary note information about historians who dealt with the period, as he does frequently elsewhere ; for example, in Book 16. 71. 3 and 76. 5. Once he refers to his own observation in Alexandria and what was told him of the city and the country during his visit to Egypt (chap. 52. 6). Otherwise he tells a factual story on his own responsibility, rarely insert-
1 The only direct quotation (chap. 4. 8) is from Aeschines, and as with that from Demosthenes in Book 16, the quotation probably occurred in his immediate source.
6
~ INTRODUCTION
ing an “ it is said ” or “ they say ” in support of a specific statement (chaps. 4. 8; 85.2; 92. 1; 110. 7; 115. 5; 118. 1). Twice he introduces an item with the words “ as some have written,” in one case (chap. 73. 4) certainly, in the other (chap. 65. 5) probably, to give a variant version ; the language of the latter instance-is confused in a way which else- where is most naturally explained as due to Diodo- rus’s careless abridgement of his source.:
Our knowledge of the career of Alexander the Great is based primarily upon the surviving accounts of Diodorus, Quintus Curtius, Plutarch, and Arrian, and upon the excerpts of Pompeius Trogus made by Justin ; the earliest of these belongs to the period of Augustus. Behind them lie the narrators of the early Hellenistic period, the fragments of whose histories have been collected by Jacoby and translated by Robinson.? Ever since the beginning of modern scholarship, commentators have been busy with the problem posed by these relationships in the attempt to provide a scientific basis for reconstructing the personality and the accomplishments of the great Macedonian. Their answers have varied all the way from that of Schwartz, who regarded Diodorus’s Book 17 as merely an abridgement of the history of Clei- tarchus of Alexandria, to that of Tarn, who believed that Diodorus used a variety of sources including
1 These instances are listed by W. W. Tarn, Alexander the Great, Vol. 2 (1948), p. 63, note 5. There is also the mention of the “ Caucasus, which some call Mt. Paropanisus ” (chap. 83. 1). Diodorus visited Egypt in 60-56 s.c. (Book 1. 44. 1; 46. 7).
2 Teby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, nos. 11- 153; C. A. Robinson, Jr., The History of Alezander the Great, Vol. 1 (Providence, 1953). See Addenda.
7
INTRODUCTION Aristobulus, Cleitarchus, and a ‘“‘ Mercenaries Source ” never mentioned by any ancient writer.!
I suspect that the question has been phrased wrongly. When, for example, we find Diodorus giv- ing the number of Sambus’s subjects killed as 80,000 (chap. 102), and Curtius, in giving the same figure, attributes it to Cleitarchus, are we then required to suppose that Diodorus, or Curtius either, used Clei- tarchus as his source ? Curtius’s statement establishes that Cleitarchus gave that figure, but that is all. We may speak of Diodorus and Curtius as “ following ” Cleitarchus, but there is nothing to prove that they did not find Cleitarchus’s statement in another history than his own. It was the custom for abridgers and compilators in antiquity to pass on such comments in their sources, even when these were not precisely applicable to their own texts.?
Completeness in these matters is impossible to at- tain, but I may list instances which I have observed where Diodorus “‘ follows ” one or another of the primary historians of Alexander. The evidence is given below in notes on the relevant passages.
Crows guided Alexander on the road to Siwah (chap. 49 ; Callisthenes and Aristobulus).
The meaning of the oracle of Ammon was con-
1 E. Schwartz, Real-Encyclopädie, 5 (1905), cols. 682-684 ; Tarn, Alexander the Great, pp. 63-91. For criticisms of Tarn’s analysis cp. T. S. Brown, American Journal of Philo- logy, 11 (1950), 134-155; M. J. Fontana, Kokalos, i (1955), 155-190; O. Seel, Pompei Trogi Fragmenta (1956), 84-119 ; E. Badian, Classical Quarterly, 52 (1958), 144-157.
2 Curt Wachsmuth, Ueber das Geschichtswerk des Sikelioten Diodorus, Vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1892), pp. 3-6. R. Laqueur, Her- mes, 86 (1958), 257-290, thinks that Diodorus used little but scissors and paste.
8
INTRODUCTION veyed by nods and signs (chap. 50; Callisthe-
nes).
Alexandria was founded after Alexander’s return from Siwah (chap. 52; Aristobulus).
Thais incited Alexander to burn Persepolis (chap. 72; Cleitarchus).
Alexander found in Hyrcania a tree dripping honey (Onesicritus) and a ferocious bee (Cleitarchus ; chap. 75).
The queen of the Amazons stayed with Alexander thirteen days in Hyrcania ! (chap. 77; Cleitar- chus,? Onesicritus, and others).
In northern India, Alexander found imitative monkeys (Cleitarchus), snakes sixteen cubits long (Cleitarchus) and small poisonous snakes (Ne- archus), as well as huge banyan trees (chap. 90 ; Onesicritus and Aristobulus}.
Alexander found the Adrestians practising suttee and the subjects of Sopithes admiring human beauty (chap. 91 ; Onesicritus).
Alexander killed 80,000 subjects of Sambus (chap. 102 ; Cleitarchus).
1 Plutarch, Alexander, Sect. 46, is our source. He states at the beginning of the section that the visit of the Amazon took place entautha. Just previously, Plutarch has referred to Alexander’s crossing of the Jaxartes River, and Tarn and Jacoby take the entautha to refer to that area. That refer- ence, however, is introduced only as an illustration of Alex- ander’s disregard of his bodily injuries or infirmities, and the thread of the narrative shows that the visit of the Amazon occurred about where Diodorus places it. At the beginning of section 45, Alexander advanced into Parthia, and at the beginning of section 47, he marched into Hyrcania. The incident of the Jaxartes is an obiter dictum, remote from its chronological and geographical location.
2? On this historian cp. recently: T. S. Brown, Onesicritus, A Study in Hellenistic Historiography (1949).
9
INTRODUCTION
The Oreitae exposed their dead (Onesicritus), and the Gedrosians let their fingernails grow long (Cleitarchus) and built their houses out of whales’? ribs (Nearchùs ; all chap. 105).
Alexander celebrated his own and Nearchus’s safe completion of the journey from India (chap. 106 ; somewhat variously in Nearchus and Onesicritus).
Nearchus reported whales frightened by noise (chap. 106 ; Nearchus).
Harpalus kept various mistresses (chap. 108 ; Clei- tarchus and Theopompus).
This is evidently not the material from which sta- tistics are built, but it may be noted that Diodorus “follows ” Cleitarchus eight times, Onesicritus six times, Nearchus and Aristobulus three times each, and Callisthenes twice. No one has ever supposed that Diodorus wrote in such an eclectic fashion, even if we were to believe that he would have dissembled his eru- dition by failing to mention it. Evidently these attri- butions are of different sorts. From Aristobulus and Callisthenes came a basic narrative, from Nearchus details of his own voyage and Indian experiences, and from Cleitarchus and Onesicritus various curio- sities. Since all of these authors wrote systematic histories, it is clear that they all must have told much the same story, differing in detail. Perhaps the later of them referred by name to their predecessors. Diodorus can be best supposed to have followed a single manuscript which contained all of this material.
Little more can be asserted positively, in view of our lack of certainty as to Diodorus’s method of work in general. Probably he followed one source for any
1 Jonas Palm, Ueber Sprache und Stil des Diodorus von Sizilien (Lund, 1955).
10
INTRODUCTION
given subject, rewriting rather than excerpting, and adding additional material when it occurred to him. It has been impossible to establish any instance where he collated two or more parallel accounts. If, then, we should look for a single source for Book 17, what can that have been ?
Lacking any extensive text of any of the primary historians, and in some uncertainty as to the scope and manner and even the date of many of them, it is impossible for us to prove or to disprove that Diodorus used, for example, Aristobulus or Cleitarchus.! It seems certain, of course, that he did not use Ptolemy ; and specific disagreement with Aristobulus and Clei- tarchus makes it unlikely that he used them directly.?
1 Tarn (Alegander the Great, pp. 5-43) argues with great ingenuity that Cleitarchus was a later writer than Aristobulus, insisting particularly that Aristobulus wrote in the 280s at the latest, that the geographer Patrocles wrote 281 or later, and that Cleitarchus used, and so followed, Patrocles. This is, however, at the cost of mistranslating (p. 11, note 3) the clear statement of Strabo (11. 7. 3) that Aristobulus used Patrocles. I am myself willing to take the statement of Dio- dorus (Book 2. 7. 3) literally when he refers to ‘*‘ Cleitarchus and some of those who later crossed with Alexander to Asia.” I find nothing in the fragments of Cleitarchus to demonstrate that he was not with Alexander during the campaigns, and whatever may have been his manner or his substance of writing, he was as much an eyewitness of the events as Aristobulus. Which of the two wrote earlier may well be impossible to say, but there is a report that Aristobulus wrote late in life, like Ptolemy (Lucian, Macrobioi, 22 = Jacoby, no. 139, T 3 ; in the opposite sense, Lucian, Quomodo historia conscribenda, 12 =Jacoby, T 4). Cp. further Fontana and Badian, op. cit.
2 It is always hard to prove a negative. When Diodorus gives an account differing from a known fragment of an earlier writer, he may not have used him or he may sinply have omitted or altered his account for some reason. There is little evidence against Diodorus’s following Cleitarchus,
11
INTRODUCTION
On the other hand, in spite of the objections of Tarn, I regard it as certain that whatever source Diodorus used, it was the same as that employed by Curtius.! Schwartz assembled a formidable list of parallels be- tween the two writers, without exhausting the sub- ject.? Itis adequate to prove the point. To recon- struct this source would be a useful task ; it obviously
although we might have expected him in that case to include Ptolemy with Peucestas as Alexander’s champion in the city of the Malli (chap. 99 ; cp. Jacoby, no. 137, F 24). There is more in the case of Aristobulus, who did not report the visit of Alexander and Hephaestion upon the Persian queen dow- ager (chap. 37 ; Jacoby, F 10) nor that of the Amazon upon Alexander (chap. 77 ; Jacoby, F 21). He confined the fiora of the Caucasus to terebinth and asafoetida (chap. 83; Ja- coby, F 23) and he omitted Alexander’s well-known commis- sion of his kingdom “‘ to the strongest ” (chap. 117; Jacoby, F 60). On. the other hand, Diodorus often agrees with him, as in the arrest of Bessus by his generals, not by Ptolemy (chap. 83; Jacoby, F 24); Ptolemy wrote that he had done it (Jacoby, no. 138, F 14). This list of agreements and dis- agreements could be extended, but additional, more or less cer- tain examples would prove no more. Diodorus often agrees with Aristobulus and Cleitarchus, sometimes differs from them. Considering Diodorus’s known method of work, it is easier to suppose that he used a source which was based on their histories than that he himself was so selective.
1 Alexander the Great, pp. 91-122. Tarn believed that the account of Curtius was unfriendly to Alexander, that of Dio- dorus friendly in part, and so the two could not be based on a common source, He believed that similarities in the narra- tives could be accounted for by the supposition that Curtius used Diodorus (pp. 116-122). It is unnecessary to point out that this argument is highly subjective. Cp. Badian, loc. cit.
2 Schwartz, loc. cit. His list of parallels is so full that I do not need to comment further. Again and again, Dio- dorus and Curtius agree so closely that the hypothesis of a common source is inescapable, while one or the other, usually Curtius, is often so much fuller that they cannot have in- fluenced each other directly.
12
INTRODUCTION
cannot be attempted here. Both Diodorus and Curtius give much which the other lacks and certainly add much of their own, especially Curtius: the long speeches with which his narrative abounds may be his own composition. Enough remains in Justin to suggest, although not to prove, that the history of Trogus was at least very similar.
Like Diodorus, Trogus wrote a universal history. He gave like Diodorus an account of events in Greece, like Diodorus also omitting contemporary events in the West. It was long ago suggested that Diodorus’s source was a general history, and Wachsmuth’s sug- gestion of Diyllus of Athens, although rejected by Jacoby, would seem to fit well enough, although we know very little of Diyllus. Fontana suggests that the source was Duris of Samos, but again, we know very little of Duris. Both are mentioned in Book 21. 5-6, as if still used. Is it, on the other hand, possible that Diodorus used Trogus ? For Curtius, writing in the Flavian period, there is no chronological problem, but Diodorus and Trogus were contemporaries, writing under Augustus, and we have no way of knowing which was the earlier. This is, in fact, the conclusion of Seel (op. cit., especially p. 116), as I discovered after I had found myself moving inevitably in the same direction. Itis true that Diodorus did not use Trogus in Book 16 (above, p. 4). But the three writers worked in Rome, and must have been known to each other. Trogus used Greek sources and wrote in Latin, a language with which Diodorus was familiar (Book 1.4.4). Curtius also wrote in Latin. If Diodorus and Curtius had used Trogus, they had reason enough not to say so. Ancient historians did not like to cite secondary sources by name, and in the case of Dio-
13
INTRODUCTION
dorus, the admission that he followed the narrative ofa contemporary would be a confession of plagiarism, only slightly mitigated by the fact that his source was a Gaul who wrote for Romans while he was a Sicilian who wrote for Greeks.!
In any event, the account of Diodorus is of interest and importance, although his conventional style of writing and his carelessness in abridgement often deprive him of the clarity and dramatic effect for which he aimed.? His expression is turgid and la- boured. True to his principles expressed in his intro- duction (Book 1. 1-5), he administers praise and blame and attempts to edify, calling attention to the reversals inflicted by Fortune. This has been thought to have a Stoic tone, but his enthusiasm as a narrator is called forth by valiant deeds of war, battles and sieges. This leads to a somewhat stereotyped pattern of engagement, combat with fluctuating success, and disengagement, and makes one suspect both that historical details have been blurred and that extrane- ous rhetorical material has been introduced. Never- theless in more than one instance Diodorus preserves specific and statistical information which we should otherwise lack.
Without attempting completeness, I may list some of the incidents told by Diodorus which are lacking in the other preserved historians.
1 If Diodorus was using a Latin source for Book 17, we should have an explanation for his lack of technical termino- logy. The éraîpot of Arrian appear as ġiào (but cp. chap. 114. 2), even when the reference is to the Companion Cavalry (chap. 57. 1; Plutarch, Alexander, also uses ġiìon but not always, cp. 19. 3). The óracmoraí (correctly in chap. 99. 4) appear as Silver Shields (chap. 57. 2) or as úrņpéra (chap. 109. 2: Latin satellites ; in chap. 110. 1, the term is used of the Companion Cavalry}. See Addenda. 2 Palm, loc. cit.
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INTRODUCTION
am
. The removal of Attalus (chaps. 2, 5). 2. Description of Mt. Ida, and of Memnon’s campaign in the Troad (chap. 7). 3. Appeal to Alexander by Antipater and Par- menion to beget an heir before crossing over to Asia (chap. 16). 4. no figures of Alexander’s army (chap. 17). 5. The fallen statue of Ariobarzanes (chap. 17). 6. The Persian order of battle at the Granicus (chap. 19). 7. Dispatch of Memnon’s wife to the Great King (chap. 23). 8. Exploits of Ephialtes and Thrasybulus at Hali- carnassus (chap. 25). 9. Suicide of the Marmares (chap. 28). 10. Alexander’s substitution of the forged letter from the Great King (chap. 39). 11. Mechanisms of attack and defence at Tyre (chap. 43)! 12. Description of Alexandria (chap. 52). 13. Revolt of Memnon in Thrace (chap. 62). 14. Reorganization of the army (chap. 65). 15. Transport of fruit from the country of the Uxii to Babylon (chap. 67). 16. Description of Persepolis (chap. 71). 17. The institution of suttee (chap. 91). 18. Description of Ecbatana (chap. 110). 19. Description of Hephaestion’s funeral pyre (chap. 115). On other occasions, Diodorus gives a narrative differing from that of the other historians of Alex-
1 Tarn (p. 121) thinks that Diodorus’s source may have been a Hellenistic siege manual, but this is pure speculation.
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INTRODUCTION
ander. Sometimes, but by no means always, he is in
error. l.
16
His account of the siege of Thebes is longer than that of Arrian ; the Thebans fight well, and Alexander’s victory is gained by a strata- gem (chaps. 8-13).
. The account of events at Athens is short, and
emphasizes the part of Demades; Phocion does not appear, and no one is exiled (chap. 15).
. At the Granicus, Diodorus has Alexander cross
the river unopposed in the morning, probably locating the battle downstream from Arrian (chap. 19).
. Neoptolemus is killed while fighting on' the
Macedonian side at Halicarnassus (almost certainly wrong ; chap. 25).
. Alexander did not receive Parmenion’s appeal
for help at Gaugamela (chap. 60).
. Alexander was wrecked on the Indus (chap.
97).
. The Oreitae expose their dead to be eaten by
wild beasts (Onesicritus in Strabo 11. 11. 3 tells a similar story of the Bactrians, but the victims were the sick and elderly ; chap. 105).
At times, Diodorus omits elements which are traditional parts of the Alexander history.
1. 2. 3.
4.
The boyhood of Alexander.
The heroism of Timocleia of Thebes.
The sweating statue of Orpheus in Pieria and the visit to Diogenes at Corinth.
The adoption of Alexander by Ada, the Carian queen, and Alexander’s attack on Myndus.
INTRODUCTION
5. The miraculous passage of the Climax in Lycia and the episode of the Gordian knot.
6. There is no description of Babylon (already in Book 2. 7. 3) or of Susa.
7. Alexander feels no shame for the'’burning of Persepolis. .
8. No real mutiny on the Hyphasis. Alexander saw and pitied his soldiers’ weariness.
9. No voyage to the Rann of Kutch.
In these idiosyncrasies, of course, Diodorus invites comparison with Curtius and Justin, rather than with Plutarch and Arrian, whose sources were different. The Persian or Greek point of view which Diodorus reflects at times may have been lacking in Ptolemy and perhaps in Aristobulus also. On the other hand, taken in contrast with Curtius, Diodorus writes es- sentially sober history little coloured by rhetoric, and I find it quite impossible to follow Tarn in finding in Diodorus an unhappy blend of favourable and un- favourable elments drawn from different traditions.? As a matter of fact, prejudice may always exist in our sources, although such comments as that of Arrian (Book 7. 14. 2-3; cp. Just. 12. 12. 12) are directed to the moral judgements of historians ex- pressed as judgements, not by way of distortion of fact. Probably ancient as well as modern historians have tended to omit or to stress traditional stories depending on how these fitted their own concept of Alexander. Nevertheless there is a risk in our fol- lowing this principle too enthusiastically in source criticism. How can we know, for example, that any given ancient would have regarded the burning of Persepolis (it was, of course, a little silly to burn
1 So also Badian, loc. cit. 17
INTRODUCTION
your own property) or the massacre of 80,000 sub- jects of Sambus as unworthy of the great Mace- donian ? -
* * *
The editing of this volume was originally assigned to Professor Sherman, who had so capably handled the problems of Volume VII of this series, and came into my hands after his untimely and regretted death. He had made a good beginning with the translation, and I owe much to him, although, translation being a subjective thing, not much of his phrasing remains. I thank Mrs. Martin A. Peacock for her meticulous care in typing my manuscript.
For the manuscripts of these books, I may refer to the notes in the previous volumes of this series. My text is essentially that of C. Th. Fischer in the Teubner, and I have made no independent collation of the readings. It will be noted, however, that I have been more conservative than Fischer, more con- servative than Professor Post would wish, in admit- ting corrections. Ihave preferred to follow the manu- scripts as closely as possible in view of their differences rather than to make corrections of even obvious errors. The impression which others have formed of Diodorus’s often careless method of abridgement of his sources leads me to suspect that these errors are as likely to be due to Diodorus himself as to copiers, and in any given instance it is difficult if not impos- sible to determine the responsibility. Preferable readings and corrections will be found in the notes.
The footnotes appended to the translation are in- tended to furnish material of use to a general reader interested in this period of classical antiquity, and also, especially in the Alexander story, to provide a
18
INTRODUCTION
guide to the parallel accounts of other ancient writers. In editing Diodorus, it is impossible to attempt the harmony of the Alexander historians for which we look confidently to Professor C. A. Robinson, Jr. In pointing out, however, the close parallelism which exists between the narratives of Diodorus, Curtius, and Justin, in contrast especially with that of Arrian, I have intended to furnish documentation of my thesis of a common origin of these three, mentioned earlier in this Introduction.
19
THE LIBRARY OF HISTORY OF
DIODORUS OF SICILY
BOOK XVI
AIOAQPOY
TOY ZIKEAIQTOYT
BIBAIOOQHKHÈ ISTOPIKHE
BIBAO? EKKAIAEKATH
66. Er’ dpxovros yàp Abúvnow Eùßovàov “Pw- patot karéorņnoav únrárovs Mápkov Ďdßiov ral Zepoúiov Lovàrikiov. èri ðè roúrwv Tiuoàéwv ó Kopivhios mpokeyeipiopévos órò trv moùrâv èri Tùv èv Xupakovooas orparnyiav mapeckevdtero 2 mpòs ròv eis rv Pureàlav ëkmàovv. érrakoclovs êv ov évovs èpolóocaro, orparrwrôv Sè réo- capas? Tpirýpeis TÀņpócas kal Tayvvavtoðoas Tpeîs egémÀevoev èk Kopivðov. èv mapáràw Sè mapà Aevkaðiwv ral Koprupaiwv rtpeîs vas mpocàaßd- pevos êneparobro éka? vavol ròv `Ióviov kadoŭ- uevov Tõpov.
3 "Ibiov Òé re kal mapdðoéov ovvéßn yevéoðat TÔ 1 téooapas] mévre PX. Cp. chap. 68. 5-6 and Plutarch, PER E E the total is ten. But Anaximenes, u ske Tr pi f e patose is evvéa Tprýpeci Bonbýcavres. HQ
22
‘
THE LIBRARY OF HISTORY OF
DIODORUS OF SICILY
BOOK XVI
66. When Eubulus was archon at Athens, the 345/4 s.c.
Romans elected as consuls Marcus Fabius and Servius Sulpicius.! In this year Timoleon the Corinthian, who had been chosen by his fellow-citizens to com- mand in Syracuse, made ready for his expedition to Sicily. He enrolled seven hundred mercenaries and, putting his men aboard four triremes and three fast- sailing ships, set sail from Corinth. As he coasted along he picked up three additional ships from the Leucadians and the Corcyraeans, and so with ten ships he crossed the Ionian Gulf.?
During this voyage, a peculiar and strange event
1 Eubulus was archon from July 345 to June 344 B.C. Broughton (1. 131) gives the consuls of 345 s.c. as M. Fabius Dorsuo and Servius Sulpicius Camerinus Rufus,
2 The narrative is continued from chap. 65. There is a parallel but often differing account of these events in Plutarch, Timoleon, wherein (7. 1-3; 8. 3) the ten ships are itemized as seven Corinthian, one Leucadian, and two Corcyraean. This distinction between triremes and “‘ fast-sailing ships ” is artificial. i
23
DIODORUS OF SICILY
Tiuoéovri karà rov nàoûv, ToÔ Öaruoviov ovvemt- Àafopévov rijs èmpoàĝs kal mpoosnuaivovros TÙV couévyv nepi aùrov eùðoéiav kat AauntpóTnTa TV npáćewv: Š OÀns yàp Ts vvkròs mponyeîro ap- TAS karouévn karta tòv oùpavòv uéxpi o ovvéßn 4ròv oródov eis tùv `Iraàiav rkararàcoar ó ğe Tiuoàéwv mpoarykows v èv Koprbw rv rfs AńunņrTtpos kat Kópns ieperðv rı karà ròv Ünvov aùraîs ai Îeat mpońyyerdav! ovunàceúoechat Toîs mepi ròv Tiuoàéovra kard rov màoðv ròv eis Tùv 5 iepav aùrôv vioov. Šıórep ó Tiıpoàéwv ral oi avunÀćovres mepiyapeîs hoav, os TÔv eðv ovvep- yovoðv aùroîs. rův © àpiorņyv rÕv veðv kabe- põocas raîs eais ò Tiuoàćéwv œvóuacev aùrùův AńunTtpos rat Kópns iepáv. aranàeúoavros è roô oróàov ywpis kwõúvwv cis Meraróvriov ris `Iraàlas èmixarérievoe Kap- xnåovia trprýpns ëyovoa rpeoßevràas Kapynõoviovs. 6 ofroi Ò évruyóvres T Tıpoàéovri Šrepaprúpavro HÀ katápxew moàéuov unë’ èmpaivew ri Eireàig. ó è Tipoéwv, èmxadovuéevvwv aùròv rôv ‘Py- yvwv kåt ovuuaxýoew èrayyeouévwv, è£érÀev- cev eùléws ék roô Merarovriov orevðwv phdoar T TYV mepi aùròv pýunv: oġóðpa yàp eùdaßeîro uý- more Kapynòðóvior Badacookparoðvres rkwóowow aŭròv eis Xekeàlav ĝiamàeoai. oĝros èv oĝv katà orovõùv èréàei tòv eis ‘Púyiov màoôv.
67. Kapynòóvior è Bpayù mpò roúrwv rv ka- põv mvlópevot Tò puéyelos toô kar Pıkreàlav Esopévov moàéuov raîs èv karà Pixeàlav ovu- payior móàcoi hidavhpónws mpooepépovro kal mpòs
t So MSS, except PX mpoohyyeriav. 24 f
BOOK XVI. 66. 3—67. 1
happened to Timoleon. Heaven came to the support 345/4 B.o.
of his venture and foretold his coming fame and the glory of his achievements, for all through the night he was preceded by a torch blazing in the sky up to the moment when the squadron made harbour in Italy. Now Timoleon had heard already in Corinth from the priestesses of Demeter and Persephonê ! that, while they slept, the goddesses had told them that they would accompany Timoleon on his voyage to their sacred island. He and his companions were, in conse- quence, delighted, recognizing that the goddesses were in fact giving them their support. He dedi- cated his best ship to them, calling it “ The Sacred Ship of Demeter and Persephonê.” 2?
Encountering no hazards, the squadron put in at Metapontum in Italy, and so, shortly after, did a Carthaginian trireme also bringing Carthaginian am- bassadors. Accosting Timoleon, they warned him solemnly not to start a war or even to set foot in Sicily. But the people of Rhegium were calling him and promised to join him as allies, and so Timoleon quickly put out from Metapontum hoping to outstrip the report of his coming. Since the Carthaginians controlled the seas, he was afraid that they would prevent his crossing over to Sicily. He was, then, hastily completing his passage to Rhegium.
67. Shortly before this, the Carthaginians on their part had come to see that there would be a serious war in Sicily and began making friendly representa- tions to the cities in the island which were their allies. Renouncing their opposition to the tyrants
1 Plutarch, Timoleon, 8. 1. a 2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 8. 1, states that this dedication was made by the Corinthians before the departure of the flotilla.
25
DIODORUS OF SICILY
TOoÙS KaTà TÙV vÅoov Trupávvovs Tův ĝiaßopàv kara- 2 la l ! ` ` e t AŬúsavrtes piÀiav ovvébevro, pdňiora ğe rpòs ‘Ikérav “a A m Tov TrÕv Xvupakociwv Ôvvaoreðovra tà TÒ TOÔTOV a 109? 2 SE UNE ` z ? 2 mÀeTovi ioyúew, aùrol è modà Šúvauıv vavrikýv Te kal nekie mapackevacdpevoi ießißacav eis 2 Zikediav, "Avvæwva orparnyòv ênmiorhoavres. ebyov Ò AKPS VAÛS ÉKATÖV KAL TEVTÝKOVTA, OTPATLÓTAS Òe meoùs pèv mevrakiopvpiovs,? dppara sè Tpia- ld lá PIPE, i 4 A 7 ~ ` kóota, ovvwpiðas è úrèp ràs ŝıoyıdias, ywpis Šè Toútrwv órmàa kal Béàn mavroðaràa kral pnyavàs ToopkNTikàs maunànleis kal ocirov kal rv dAdwv 3 A Emirnõciwv nàhhos dvuréppànrov. E $ lA ` + ~ 3 d l4 mi nporyv è riw rv `Evreààvæov rów ? ? EÀbóvres Týv Te xpav eôńwoav kal Troùs èyywpiovs 3 eis moÀopkiav ovvékàeroav. ot È TÙV TÓÀAW kaTot- koðvres Kauravol karandayévres rò uéyelos tis Z ? 3 õvvduews ééénembav eis ràs &àdas mécs tàs > + dàdotpiws ıakeruévas mpòs Kapynõoviovs mepi ’ Pai S Ponleias. rÕv èv oĝv Awv oùõeis úrýkovoev, ot ` bi ld ~ a e riv T'adepiar” mów oikoðvres é£énephav aùroîs FA e [a aTparuðTas ÖrÀiTas yıÀlovs. roúrois È Órmavrý- e [d ~ oavres ot Doivikes kal mepiyvhévres TÔ mànbe ? LA Ẹ ~ 4 mavras karékopav. ot òè ryv Airvyv karoikoðvres Kaumavol rò èv mpôrov nmapeokeváčovro ovu- 2 3 l4 kd paxiav éknéunew eis Thv ”Evreňav ĝià Tùv ovy- ! ` ` “~ m yéverav, pera òè rara riv rôv Tadepivwv ovp- ` > lA fopàv akoúsavres črpiwav ńovyiav yew. A X m~ 68. Toô è Aiovvolov rupevovros rôv Evpa-
+ Hertlein suggested metrov, but Hicetas controlled only part of Syracuse.
2 The loss, e.g., of immeîs è... xiàlovs was suggested by Madvig. l 3 So PREF : Taàéperar X.
26
BOOK XVI. 67. 1—68. 1
throughout the island, they established friendship 345/4 s..
with them, and particularly they addressed them- selves to Hicetas, the most powerful of these, be- cause he had the Syracusans under his control. They prepared and transported to Sicily a large sea and land force of their own, and appointed Hanno to the command as general. They had one hundred and fifty battleships, fifty thousand infantry, three hun- dred war chariots, over two thousand extra teams of horses, and besides all this, armour and missiles of every description, numerous siege engines, and an enormous supply of food and other materials of war.
Advancing first on Entella, they devastated the countryside and blockaded the country people inside the city. The Campanians who occupied the city were alarmed at the odds against them and appealed for help to the other cities that were hostile to the Carthaginians. Of these, none responded except the city of Galeria. These people sent them a thousand hoplites, but the Phoenicians intercepted them, over- whelmed them with a large force, and cut them all down. The Campanians who dwelt in Aetna were at first also ready to send reinforcements to Entella because of kinship, but when they heard of the di- saster to the troops from Galeria, they decided to make no move.
68. Now at the time when Dionysius was still mas-
1 This anticipates the action described in chap. 68, but according to Plutarch’s account (Timoleon, 1. 3; 9. 2) Hicetas had become an ally of the Carthaginians even before Timoleon left Corinth.
2 The charioteer receipts of P. Petrie, 2. 25, dated in the 21st year of Ptolemy Philadelphus (265/4 sB.c.), show that it was customary for chariots to be accompanied by spare horses, trained to work in pairs. 'Fhis account of Carthagi- nian operations is not given by Plutarch.
27
DIODORUS .OF SICILY
kovocðv ‘Ikéras ëywv mepi éavrov'ačióàoyov ĝúva- pv orpárevoev émi tràs Lvpakovocas kal TÒ pèv npõrov ydpaka Badóuevos mepi rò 'Oìvuretor Õreroàépet TÖ kparoðvre rijs móàews rTvpávvw,? 2 ypovi%oúonņs ðè rs moňopkias kal rv emirnõeiwv ekùróvrwv ò èv ‘Ikéras åvéķevćev eis Aeovrivovs (èk raúrņs yàp ©ppâro? ris mócews): ó è Aio- vúoios emakodovhłýcas aùroîs ral karañaßov riv 3 oùpayiav ovveorýoaro páyņnv. ó © ‘Ikéras èm- orpéjas mi ròv Aiovýciov ovvie uáyņyv kal mÀeiovs TÕv TpioxiÀlwv* mobodópwv åveň®wv rovs Àorroùs huyeîv ùvdyracev. dée? è T Srwyuð XPyodpevos kai ovveronreoav Tois pevyovow eis Tv TÖÀAw êkpárnoe rv Lvparovosðv mày ris Núoov. Kai rà uèv mepi ròv ‘Ikérav ral Aiovýoiov èv z oA ToúrToLs Îv. 4 Tiuoàéwv ôè pera tiv kardàņbiv rv Zvpakovo- ov Tpow ýuépas vorepov karéràevoev els TÒ 5 “Pýyiov kal rabðwpuioðn mànoiov ris móìews. èm- katanàevodvrwv è kat rÕv Kapynõoviwv eïkoot Tpýpeor kat rÔv ‘Pyywav ovvepyoúvvrwv rÔ Tiuodćovri kal kowhv èkkàņnoiav èv tH móet ovv- ayayóvrwv kal mept ovààúoews ônunyopoúvrwv o èv Kapynêdvior Srañafóvres ròv Tiuoàdovra re- obýoechar ròv eis Kópwbov åróriovv morðoacðar palóuws eÎyov rà kara tràs pudards, ó 8è Tiuoàéwv oùðeuiav éuhpaow Sods roô paco? aùròs pèv mànoiov roð Puaros čuewe, Adbpg 8è maphyyerde 6 ràs évvéa vaĝs dnondeðoar Tùv raylornv. mepi- onwpévæv è rv Kapynõoviæv raîs puyaîs mepi roùs ykaĝérws ònunyopoðvras uakpôs trv ‘Py- 1 *Ovumetov PX : ’Odóumorv cet. (cp. chap. 83. 2). 28
BOOK XVI. 68. 1-6
ter of Syracuse, Hicetas had taken the field against 345/4 n.c.
it with a large force,! and at first constructing a stocka- ded camp at the Olympieium carried on war against the tyrant in the city, but as the siege dragged on and provisions ran out, he started back, to Leon- tini, for that was the city which served as his base. Dionysius set out in hot pursuit and overtook his rear, attacking it at once, but Hicetas wheeled upon him, joined battle, and having slain more than three thousand of the mercenaries, put the rest to flight. Pursuing sharply and bursting into the city with the fugitives, he got possession of all Syracuse except the Island.?
Such was the situation as regards Hicetas and Dionysius.
Three days after the capture of Syracuse, Timoleon put in at Rhegium and anchored off the city. The Carthaginians promptly turned up with twenty tri- remes, but the people of Rhegium helped Timoleon to escape the trap. They called a general assembly in the city and staged a formal debate on the subject of a settlement. The Carthaginians expected that Timoleon would be prevailed upon to sail back to Corinth and kept a careless watch. He, however, giving no hint of an intention to slip away, remained close to the tribunal, but secretly ordered nine of his ships to put to sea immediately. Then, while the Carthaginians concentrated their attention on the intentionally long-winded Rhegians, Timoleon stole
ł Plutarch, Timoleon, 1. 3. 2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 9. 2. 3 The same story is told by Plutarch, Timoleon, 9. 2—10. 5.
? tup. TG A. X: r. kal A. P; 7. A. R; A. tô r. F. 3 öppûârto] óppâro P; &punro Dindorf. 4 Hertlein suggested reading tpioyiàiwv Tôv.
29
DIODORUS OF SICILY
yivwv éàabev ò Tiıpoàéwv iaðpas émi Tùv node- Àciuuévyv vav kat rayéws ééénàcvoev. ot è Kap- xNõóviot karaorparnynlévres neßddovro Siwrew
7 Toùs nepi Tròv Tipodéovra: èkeivwv òè nmpoeiàngd- Tæwv ikavòv idora kait Ts vuktos émiÀaßoúons éphacav oi mepi ròv Tiuoàéovra dromàeúcavres
8 eis rò Tavpopévieov. ó è rs móňews rTaúrns ýyoúuevos, Ña mavròs meppovnykæs Tà trÕv Žvpa- kociwv, ` Avõpõuayos, piňodpõővws úreðéćčaro rTovs Òrwkopévovs kal Toà ouveßdàero mpos tv ow- Typiav aùrôv.
9 Merà òè rara ð uèv ‘Ikéras dvaňaßav rtôv OTPATLWTÕV TOÙS APÍOTOVS TEVTAKLOXIALOVS ÈOTpå- Tevoev ènmi Toùs °` Aspaviras AVTINPÁTTOVTAS QAÙTÕ kal mÀņoiov ris móàews kareorparonésevoev' d òè Tıuoàéwv mpoodaßóuevos mapà rôv Tavpope- viwv otparwras dvé%evćev k roô Tavpopeviov,
10 Toùs dmavras éywv où mÀclovs TÕv yiÀiww. àpyo- Lévņns è ris vukròs afopuýcas kal ŝiavýoas èri Trò ”Aðpavov ðevrepatos aveàriorws ènébero rToîs mepi ròv ‘Ikérav ĝeirrvororovuévois' maperoneoawv © eis Tùv napeufpoàñv kal doveðoas mÀelovs rôv Tpiakooiwv,: Cwyphoas è mepi éakoocíovs ris
11 mapeupoàfs êkpárnoe. roúrw è TÔ oTparnyh- patı čTepov ènceodywv mapaypiua mi tràs Evpa- koúocas &ġópunoe kal Špopaîos rhv óv Sıavóoas
1 tpiakosiwv (cp. Plutarch, Timoleon, 12. 5)} rerpakooiwv x p P
1? This was the father of the historian Timaeus, who may 30 l
BOOK XVI. 68. 6-11
away unnoticed to his remaining ship and quickly 345/4 p.c.
sailed out of the harbour. The Carthaginians, though outmanæœuvred, set out in pursuit, but his fleet had gained a substantial lead, and as night fell it was able to reach Tauromenium before being overtaken. An- dromachus,* who was the leading man of this city and had constantly. favoured the Syracusan cause, welcomed the fugitives hospitably and did much to ensure their safety.
Hicetas now put himself at the head of five thou- sand of his best soldiers and marched against the Adranitae, who were hostile to him, encamping near their city. Timoleon added to his force some soldiers from Tauromenium and marched out of that city, having all told no more than a thousand men. Set- ting out at nightfall, he reached Adranum on the second day, and made a surprise attack on Hicetas’s men while they were at dinner. Penetrating their defences he killed more than three hundred men, took about six hundred prisoners, and became master of the camp.? Capping this manœuvre with another, he proceeded forthwith to Syracuse. Covering the distance at full speed, he fell on the city without
have been tyrant of the city, although Plutarch also (Timo- leon, 10. 4) describes his position by the same non-technical term as is used here.
2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 12. 3-5, give the same figures for Hicetas’s casualties but states that Timoleon had “ no more than 1200 men,” and adds that one faction in Adranum had invited him. It is possible that Timoleon’s success in the surprise attack was due in part to the circumstance that Hicetas was fooled because he still regarded Timoleon as an ally (H. D. Westlake, Timoleon and his Relations with Ty- rants (1952), 15 f.). Plutarch gives the road distance between Tauromenium and Adranun as three hundred and forty fur- longs.
3i
DIODORUS OF SICILY
ånpooðokýrws npocéreoe Ttaîşs ÉXvupakoðocats, karatayńhoas Toùs arò rhs tponfjs peúyovras.
Tara èv ov èrpáyðn kara Torov rov êviavróv.
69. Er &pyovros © `Abúvnoi Avkiorov “Pw- uaîoi karéornoav órdrovs Máprov Oùadépiov kat Máprov Hóràov, dàvumàas © ġx0n ékaroor) kat vdr, kab’ ñv èvika ordðrov ’Apıoróàoyos Abn- vaos. èm ðè roúræv ‘Pwpaiois uèv npòs Kapn- 2 Šovlovs mpôrTov ouvira èyévovro. KkaTà Õè TÜV Kapiav ’Ispieùs ó ðuvvádorns rv Kapôv éredeúrnoev àpéas ërņ énrá, rův è apxùv Siaðekauévy ”Aða ù aed) kail yuv) dduvdorevoev éry Téocapa.
Kara è rv Xixeàiav Tiuoàéwv èv ° Aòpaviras kal Tvuvõapíiras cis ovupaygiav mpociafópevos orpatióras oùk oÀiyovs map aùrôv rapéaßev, èv òè rais Bupakoúooais moMÀù) Tapay) kareîye TV mów Aiovusiov èv rhv Nfoov ëyovros, ‘Ixéra ðè ts `Aypaðwis kat Néas róews kvpieúovros, Truoàćovros 8è rà Aornà ris móews maperànhóros, kal Kapynðoviwv tpiýpeot èv ékaròv kal mevrTý- kovra karanerÀàeukótrwv eis Tòv péyav Àuéva, megoîs ÖÈ OTPATUYTUS TMEVTAKLOUVPÍOLS KATEOTpA- roneðevkőrwv. Õiðnep TÕv mepi ròv Tiuodéovra karanrerÀnypévwv TÒ nAÑlos rTÕv moàeuiwv dÀoyós 4 ris kal nmapdõðočos yévero ueraßoàń' mpõðTov uèv
1 Ilouriàov P; Ilouriàov X.
1 According to Plutarch, Timoleon, 13. 2-3, Timoleon got his first foothold in Syracuse only when Dionysius voluntarily surrendered his holdings to him.
2 Lyciscus was archon at Athens from July 344 to June 343 B.c. The Olympic Games were celebrated in mid- summer of 344 s.c. M. Valerius Corvus and M. Popilius Laenas were consuls in 348 s.c. (Broughton, 1. 129).
32
BOOK XVI. 68. 11—69. 4
warning, having made better time than those who 345/4 B.o.
were routed and fleeing.! Such were the events that took place in this year.
69. When Lyciscus was archon at Athens, the 344/3 s.c.
Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius and Mar- cus Publius, and the one hundred and ninth Olympiad was celebrated, in which Aristolochus the Athenian won the foot-race.? In this year the first treaty was concluded between the Romans and the Carthagi- nians.? In Caria, Idrieus, the ruler of the Carians, died after ruling seven years, and Ada, his sister and wife, succeeding him, ruled for four years.*
In Sicily, Timoleon took the Adranitae and the Tyndaritae into his alliance and received not a few reinforcements from them. Great confusion reigned in Syracuse, where Dionysius held the Island, Hi- cetas Achradina and Neapolis, and Timoleon the rest of the city, while the Carthaginians had put in to the Great Harbour with a hundred and fifty triremes and encamped with fifty thousand men on the shore.’ Timoleon and his men viewed the odds against them with dismay, but the prospect took a sudden and surprising change for the better. First Marcus,’ the
3 This treaty is mentioned also by Livy, 7. 27. 2, and Poly- bius, 3. 24. Diodorus does not know of the earlier treaty given by Polybius, 3. 22 (cp. H. M. Last, Cambridge Ancient History, 1 (1928), 859 f.; A. Aymard, Revue des Études Anciennes, 59 (1957), 211-293).
4 Continued from chap. 45. 7.
5 Plutarch, Timoleon, 17. 2, gives the same number of ships, but 60,000 men. Tyndaris was a city on the north coast of Sicily thirty miles from Tauromenium.
ê Plutarch, Timoleon, 13. 1, and elsewhere, calls him “ Mamercus,” and Diodorns’s name may be due to a scribal error. On the other hand, as an Italian, Mamercus may well have borne the praenomen Marcus.
VOL. VIII c 33
DIODORUS OF SICILY
yàp Mápros* ó rôv Karavaíwv rúpavvos ývapıv dérdàoyov čywv npocélero r® Tıipodéovri, čmera moa rv ġpovpiwv öpeyóueva rijs ¿éàevÂepias åmékÀwe nmpòs aùróv, TÒ è Tedevratov Kopivhior Õéka vas TMÀNPÉOCAVTES XPÁÝATÁ TE TOpPIOAVTES
5 etaréoreiàav eis tràs Xvpakoúocas. Ôv mpaylév- Twv Tipoàéwv pèv èbdppnoev, oi è Kapynëóvior poßnÂévres dréràevoav èk toô Ùpévos dàðyws kal LETA TÁS Ts Õuvduews eis T)V iÕLAV ÈTLKPÁTELAV
6 amnààdynoav. povwbhévros è roô ‘Ikéra Tipo- Àéwv mepryevópevos TÕv moàepiwv èkpáToe TÕV Evpakovosðv. eùhùs ðè kal ryv Meoońvyv uera- reberuévyy? npòs Kapynõoviovs åverrýoaro.
Kat rà èv karà Łikediav èv roúrois Ñv.
7 Karà è rův Makeðoviav Oirros marpikhv éxÂpav iaðeðeyuévos mpòs IAvpioùs kat tùv ĉia- popàv aperdðerov ëywv èvéßadev eis rùv IAàv- piða perà mods Övváuews. moplýcas è Tùv xyópav kal Toà TÕv moMopátrwv yerpwoduevos perà Toiðv Aapúpwv êmavĵàlev cis rv Maxeðo-
8 viav. perà ĝè rañra mapeàbav cis thv OQerrañiav kal roùs Tupdvvovs êk rv nmõňewv ékfaàwv iði- ovs Taîs eùvoiais ènorýoaro Toùs Qerradoús: NAmE yàp ToúTovs čyav ovupáyovs kal rovs “EdÀnvas pgiws cis eŬvorav mporpéfacbar: rep kat ovvéßn yevéoðar. eùhùs yàp ot mÀqyorðywpor trv ‘EAń-
1 Mápepros Casaubon (cp. Nepos, Timoleon, 2. 4; Plu-
tarch, Timoleon, 13. 1). 2 So Dindorf; perarbepévyy.
34
BOOK XVI. 69. 4-8
tyrant of Catania, came over to Timoleon with a 344/3 B.C.
considerable army, and then many of the outlying Syracusan forts declared for him in a move to gain their independence. On top of all this, the Corin- thians manned ten ships, supplied them with money, and dispatched them to Syracuse.: Thereupon Timo- leon plucked up courage but the Carthaginians took alarm and unaccountably sailed out of the harbour, returning with all their forces to their own territory.? Hicetas was left isolated, while Timoleon victoriously occupied Syracuse.3 Then he proceeded to recover Messana, which had gone over to the Carthaginians.
Such was the state of affairs in Sicily.
In Macedonia, Philip had inherited from his father a quarrel with the Illyrians and found no means of reconciling the disagreement. He therefore invaded Illyria with a large force, devasted the countryside, captured many towns, and returned to Macedonia laden with booty.ë Then he marched into Thessaly, and by expelling tyrants from the cities won over the Thessalians through gratitude. With them as his allies, he expected that the Greeks too would easily be won over also to his favour ; and that is just what happened. The neighbouring Greeks straightway as-
1 According to Plutarch, Timoleon, 16. 1-2, the Corinthi- ans sent 2000 hoplites and 200 cavalry to Thurii, but the TN made its way to Sicily only somewhat later (Timoleon, 19).
2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 20, tells a different and more circum- stantial and picturesque account of the Carthaginian with- drawal.
3 Plutarch, Timoleon, 21. 3.
4 Plutarch, Timoleon, 20. 1, places this event earlier.
5 This campaign may be the one referred to below, chap. 93. 6. The narrative of Philip’s activities is continued from chap. 60.
35
DIODORUS OF SICILY
vwv ovveveyhévres Ti TÔ Oerraàôv kpioet ovu- paxiav mpołópws mpos aùròv émovoavrto.
70. °Er dpyovros © `Abúvyot Hvloðórov “Pw- uaîoi karéornoav únárovs Idiov Hàaúriov kal Trov Mádiov. èm. è roúrwv Tipoàéwv kara- mÀņéduevos Aiovýciov ròv Túpavvov čmeoev aŭTòv napaĝoðvar Thv àkpóroàw kal tv àpxův anrolé- uevov àmeàbeiv eis Iedoróvvnoov únróorovõðov,
2 ëčyovra Tà ia yphpara. oĝros èv ov Ò? avav- Splav ral rarewóryra puyis týv tre mepipónrov rupavviða kal eceuévyv, os épacav, dðápavrı TOV cipņnuévov Tpórov anéùime kal kateßiwoev åmopoŭ- evos èv Kopirðw, ròv © iov Biov kai Tùy pera- Boàùv doye mapdðeryua rToîs kavywpévois ahpõvws
3 èml rals eùrvylas: ó yàp ëxywv rTerpakocias* Tprýpeis mer? òàlyov èv mrp otpoyyúw TÀoiw karénàevoev eis rhv Kópwðov, mepißàentrov éywv TÅv Tijs peraßoñs úreppoàńv.
4 Tipoàéwv ðè mapadaßav rhv Nĝoov kai ppoúpia Tà TÔ Aiovvoiw TMpPÖTEpPOV ÚTAKOŬOVTA TAS KATÀ tùy Noor? dkrporóàces kai rà tvupavveîa karé- akape, roîs è dpovpiois anéðwre Tùv èñevhepiav.
5 eùlùs è kal vopoypadeiv ÙÑparo, Tibets npo- kpatıkoùs võuovs Kal Tà mepi TÔV lÖLwWTIKÕV ovu-
1 terpakocias] tpiakocias PX. 2 rv Nĝoov Rhodoman; vràs výoovs PXR; rs výoov
Fischer.
1 This operation continued earlier movements of Philip in Thessaly (chaps. 35.1; 38. 1; 52. 9). For Philip’s relations with the tyrants of Pherae cp. H. D. Westlake, Thessaly in the Fourth Century z.o. (1935), 191-198; Marta Sordi, La Lega Tessala fino al Alessandro Magno (1958), 215-293.
36
BOOK XVI. 69. 8—70. 5
sociated themselves with the decision of the Thessa- 344/3 s.c.
lians and became his enthusiastic allies.?
70. When Pythodotus was archon at Athens, the 343/2 s.c.
Romans elected as consuls Gaius Plautius and Titus Manlius.? In this year? Timoleon frightened the tyrant Dionysius into surrendering the citadel, re- signing his office and retiring under a safe-conduct to the Peloponnese, but retaining his private posses- sions. Thus, through cowardice and meanness, he lost that celebrated tyranny which had been, as people said, bound with fetters of steel,t and spent the remaining years of his life in poverty at Corinth, furnishing in his life and misfortune an example to all who vaunt themselves unwisely on their successes. He who had possessed four hundred triremes ’ ar- rived shortly after in Corinth in a small tub of a freighter, conspicuously displaying the enormity of the change in his fortunes.
Timoleon took over the Island and the forts which had formerly belonged to Dionysius. He razed the citadel and the tyrant’s palace on the Island, and restored the independence of the fortified towns. Straightway he set to work on a new code of laws, converting the city into a democracy, and specified
2 Pythodotus was archon at Athens from July 843 to June 342 B.c. C. Plautius Venno and T. Manlius Imperiosus Tor- quatus were the consuls of 347 s.c. (Broughton, 1. 130).
3 Plutarch, Timoleon, 13. 2-5.
4 This was an oft-quoted metaphor credited to the elder Dionysius ; cp. above, chap. 5. 4; Plutarch, Dion, 1. 3 and 10. 3.
5 The same figure in chap. 9. 2; Plutarch, Dion, 14. 2. Nepos, Dion, 5. 3, mentions five hundred.
€ This term is traceable to Theopompus (Polybius, 12. 4a. 2; Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 115, F 341), where Timaeus used vas.
37
DIODORUS OF SICILY
3 m~ l Boňaiwv Sikara kai räààa mávra drpipôs ıéTağe. la lA LA 6 mÀelornv povriĝa ris icótnTos moiroúpevos. kKaTÉ- lA 3 lg aTNoe ÕÈ kal TV KAT’ ÈVLAUTÒV ÈVTLHOTATNV APXÙV, A A iv aupıroàlav Aròðs `Oàvpriov kaàoĝow Lvpard- m k] ? ¥ cor kal Ņpébn npõrTos duphiroos Aròs 'Oàvuriov e Kadùiuévns °Aàkdõa' kal rò Aorròv Õieréàcoav ot LA Evpakóciot roùs èviavroùs émiypáħovres TOÚTOLS Ttoîs àpyovoi uéypie TÕvõe rv ioroprðv ypago- Lévwv kal tTÑs karà tùv noùTeiav dààayhs’: TV yap ‘Pwpaiwv peraĝóvrwv rtoîs LikeMórais Tis moùTeias ) trv appiróàwv apx) èranmewwby, Õiapeivaca ëT) mÀeiw TÖV Tpiakosiwv. ` ` ` ` D 4 ? A S Kai rà uèv karà Tùv Lukeàlav èv roúrois Ñv. 71. Kard è tv Makreðoviav Piirros tràs èmi A 2 d AÀ IÒ kd EA À ld Opárny ródeis “Ednvðas ecis eüvorav mpookañecó- 2 9 , »% 4 , K Aé ` evos? éotpártevoev émi Opakyv. KepooßàénrTtys yàp ó Baciàcùs rôv Oparðv dieréàct ras èp ‘Edno- nóvrw? móàces ðuopoúoas T Opáky karaorpedó- 2 pevos kal tùv yøopav karadheipwv. Bovàópevos F > LA m~ 2 ` e 4 kd £ ov éudpačar rv Bapßápwv rův ppv otpdrevoev 39 3 ` ` la á z ` + erm’ aùroùs oùv moÀÀÑ Õvváuei. vikýoas è nmÀcioct páyas rtoùs Opåâkas roîs pèv kararoàceunheic. Bappápois mpooséraćče ðekdras reàe®v rots Make- dow, aùros © èv roîs èmikaiporis TóTois krioas 1? Fischer corrects to the common name Alcidas, perhaps rightly ; Alcadas seems to be otherwise unknown. 2 Dindorf corrected to mporaecópevos, which is the usual expression, but cp. SIG 3, 748. 47. 3? EMoróvrov PX. 1 Plutarch, Timoleon, 22. 1-2 ; Nepos, Timoleon, 3. 3. 38 l
BOOK XVI. 70. 5—71. 2
in exact detail the law of contracts and all such 8348/2 n.e.
matters, paying special attention to equality. He instituted also the annual office that is held in highest honour, which the Syracusans call the “ amphipoly ” of Zeus Olympius.? To this, the first priest elected was Callimenes, the son of Alcadas, and henceforth the Syracusans continued to designate the years by these officials down to the time of my writing this history and of the change in their form of govern- ment. For when the Romans shared their citizenship with the Greeks of Sicily, the office of these priests became insignificant, after having been important for over three hundred years.’
Such was the condition of affairs in Sicily.
71. In Macedonia, Philip conceived a plan to win over the Greek cities in Thrace to his side, and marched into that region.t Cersobleptes, who was the king of the Thracians, had been following a policy of reducing the Hellespontine cities bordering on his territory and of ravaging their territories. With the aim of putting a stop to the barbarian attacks Philip moved against them with a large force. He overcame the Thracians in several battles and imposed on the conquered barbarians the payment of a tithe to the Macedonians, and by founding strong cities at key
2 This priesthood is not mentioned by Plutarch, and may be a personal observation of Diodorus himself.
3 This humbling of the amphipolate probably consisted in making it no longer eponymous ; instead of a local priest- hood, the Syracusans thereafter dated by the Roman con- suls. The reference may be to the grant of jus Latii to the Sicilians by Caesar (by 44 s.c.: Cicero, Ad Atticum, 14. 12. 1), or to later grants by Augustus (A. N. Sherwin-White, The Roman Citizenship (1939), 175).
4 Continued from chap. 69. Justin’s account (9. 1. 1) of these operations is drawn from a source hostile to Philip.
39
DIODORUS OF SICILY
Aéroàóyovs mées čmavoe roô Opaoovs roùs Opĝ- kas. ĝıðnep al rÔv ‘EdMúývwv ródeis arodvheoa rÕv póßwv els tùv ovupayiav roô Didinrov mpo- Ovuórara karerdyínoav.
Tôv 8è ovyypaġéwv Oeórouros ð Xios êv r rôv PirmirÂv istopi karérae tpeîs Búßdovs mepieyovoas Xikeùkàs mpdéeis' åpéduevos è darò Ts Aiovvoíov roô mpeofurépov Tvpavviðos SGAO ypóvov Tv TeEvTÁKOVTA KAL KATÉOTpEPEV EiS TNV éknrwow Aiovvolov roô vewrépov. ciol òè at pú- Bor tpeîs, arò rs pâs Teooapakooris Axpi TÌS TPÍTNS KAL TEOCOAPAKOOTI)S.
72. Er čpyovros © °`Abúvyoi Dworyévovs ‘Pw- paîor karéorņnoav úrdrovs Máprov Oùtadépiov Kai Máprov Tvatov Tlóràov.* émi dè roúræwv `Apúu- Bas? ó rôv Modàorrõv Bacıideùs èredeúrnoev äpéas éry éka, aroùmæv viov ròv lúppov marépa Ataki- ônv: rhv © apxùv redééaro Adéfavõpos ó dðeàpòs ’Oàvumiadðos, ovvepyýoavros Diinrov roô Maxe- õóvos.
Kara òè rhv Heikeàiav Tiuodéwv uèv éorTpdrevoev emi Aeovrivovs’ eis raúryv yàp Tv mów “Ikéras kareneheúyet merà vuvauews dÉroàóyov. TÒ uèv ov mpôrov nmpocéßae tri Néa kadovuévy móňev perà è rara modÀàðv orparrwrôv év T móde ovykekàciouévwv kal pgðlws darò TÕv TexÂv åpv- vouévwv ătrpakrtos yevóuevos čÀvoe TÙův moňtopkiav.
1 So PXQ; other MSS. omit Tvaîov. 2 ”Apúpßas] `Apóßßas X.
1 Similar references to literary figures are a recurring feature of Diodorus’s narrative (E. Schwartz, Real-Encyclo-
40
BOOK XVI. 71. 2—72. 2
places made it impossible for the Thracians to commit any outrages in the future. So the Greek cities were freed from this fear and gladly joined Philip’s alliance.
Theopompus of Chios, the historian, in his History of Philip, included three books dealing with affairs in Sicily. Beginning with the tyranny of Dioñysius the Elder he covered a period of fifty years, closing with the expulsion of the younger Dionysius. These three books are XLI-XLIII.
72. When Sosigenes was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius and Mar- cus Gnaeus Publius.? In this year, Arymbas king of the Molossians died after a rule of ten years,’ leaving a son Aeacides, Pyrrhus’s father, but Alexander the brother of Olympias succeeded to the throne with the backing of Philip of Macedon.
In Sicily, Timoleon made an expedition against Leontini, for this was the city where Hicetas had taken refuge with a substantial army.* He launched an assault on the part called Neapolis, but since the soldiers in the city were numerous and had an ad- vantage in fighting from the walls, he accomplished nothing and broke off the siege. Passing on to the pädie, 5 (1905), 668 f.). Cp. also chap. 76. 5-6 below. These are usually, although not always, historians, and we must suppose that Diodorus was familiar with their writings. To what extent they are to be taken as his specific sources is un- known. Diodorus referred to the beginning of Theopom- pus’s Philippica above, chap. 3. 8.
2 Sosigenes was archon at Athens from July 342 to June 341 s.c. The consuls of 346 s.c. were M. Valerius Corvus and C. Poetelius Libo Visolus (Broughton, 1. 131).
3 His accession is not mentioned by Diodorus under the year 351/0 B.c. Alexander’s accession is otherwise known from Demosthenes, 7. 32.
4 Continued from chap. 70. Cp.:Plutarch, Timoleon, 24. 1-2.
4l
343/2 B.C.
342/1 B.C.
3
4
5
LA]
DIODORUS OF SICILY
mapeàbàv Sè npòs mów ”Eyyvov, Tupavvovpévyv órò Aerrivov, mpooßoñàs ovveyeîs èroieîro pov- Àóuevos ròv pèv Aerrtivny èkpadetv èk ths TOEWS, rots § ’Eyyvivòrs Tùy edevhepiav amoðoðvar. mept rara è roð Tıuoàéovros övros “Ikéras mavõnuei orpareúcas èk trv ANeovrivwv énmoMópket TAS Zupakoúsoas, modoùs è TÖV OTPATLWTÕV ATO- Baňav rayéws émavàlev eis roùs Aeovrivovs. © Sè Tiuoàéwv kararànédpevos Tov Aertivnv ToîToV èv únróonmovðov éćéremjev eis rhv Iedoróvvnoov, evõeikvýpevos toîs “EAÀņo. tràs trv kararoàeun- QévTwv TUPÁVVWV ÈKTTØOGELS.
OŬons õè kal ris rÔv ° Aroàwviarðv ródews Ýrò ròv Aerrivyv mapaàaßaw tùy ° Anrodwviav traúry re kat TÅ TÔv ` Eyyvivwv anéðwke Tv aùTovouiav.
73. ` Anopoúpevos Sè ypnudtrwv eis tràs TÕv éé- væv moloðocias ééaréoreiie orparıwras ŅgIiÀlovs erà trÕv déoàoywrdárwv hyeuóvwv eis TV TÔV Kapynõðoviwv émikpárerav. oroi Õè mTodàùv ywpav noplýocavres kal Aadúpwv mÀAñņÂos kouísavres map- édwkav r Tiuoàéovri. o è Aaduporwàńoas TÙV Àclav kal ypnuáræwv nàñlhos dðpoisas éðwke rToîs pohopópois cis mÀàeiw ypóvov roùs molovs. kpd- roe ðè kal rs ` Evréààns ral roùs rà Kapyxn- õoviwv páora hpovoðvras mevrekalðeka Bavarw- oas Toîs dÀAdois dnéverue TÅv eevlepiav. rto Õè Tiuodéovros ačéouévov T Te Õvvápuer kal T kaTtà
` $ lg e ` e lá f e Tův orparņyiav ðóén at èv “Ednviðes módcs at katrà Thv Xikeàiav aracari mpobóuws únerádynoav TÔ Tiuodéovri Sià TÒ maoas Tàs aùrovouias aro- Dóra, rv òè uikeàðv kal Likavôv kat TÕV dààwv rÕv úro roùs Kapynõðoviovs rerayuévwv 42 i
BOOK XVI. 72. 3—73.
city Engyum, which was controlled by the tyrant 842/1 s.c.
Leptines, he assailed it with repeated attacks in the hope of expelling Leptines and restoring to the city its freedom. Taking advantage of his preoccupation, Hicetas led out his entire force and attempted to lay siege to Syracuse, but lost many of his men and hastily retreated back to Leontini. Leptines was frightened into submission, and Timoleon shipped him off to the Peloponnese under a safe-conduct, giving the Greeks tangible evidence of the results of his pro- gramme of defeating and expelling tyrants.
The city of Apollonia had also been under Leptines. On taking it, Timoleon restored its autonomy as well as that of the city of Engyum.
73. Lacking funds to pay his mercenaries, he sent a thousand men with his best officers into the part of Sicily ruled by the Carthaginians.? They pillaged a large area, and, carrying off a large amount of plunder, delivered it to Timoleon. Selling this and realizing a large sum of money, he paid his mer- cenaries for a long term of service. He took Entella also and, after putting to death the fifteen persons who were the strongest supporters of the Carthagi- nians, restored the rest to independence. As his strength and military reputation grew, all the Greek cities in Sicily began to submit themselves volun- tarily to him, thanks to his policy of restoring to all their autonomy. Many too of the cities of the Sicels and the Sicanians and the rest who were subject to
1 Probably the Leptines mentioned in chap. 45. 9, and probably the nephew of the elder Dionysius (T. Lenschau,
Real-Encyclopädie, 12 (1925), 2073). 2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 24. 4; 25. 2.
43
DIODORUS OF SICILY
moàdàal Sienpeoßevovro ródeis, onevðovoat mapa- àngOivar mpòs Tùv ovupayiav.
Kapynëóvior Šè roùs karà tùy Zireàiav oTpaTN- yoùs ópðvres dyevvðs Tòv mÖÀcpov ÕrorkovTasS EKpt- vav érépovs dnooréàdeiw perà vvápewv peydňwv. eùlùs ov rôv nmoùrõv karéàeyov TOÙS ApioTovS elis rù}v orparelav kal rv Apúwv roùs eùhérovs èorparoàóyovv, ywpis è roúrwv mpoyeipiodpe- vor ypņnudræwv nÀfbos pmohopópovs éÉevoàóyovv "IBnpas kaè Keàroùs xat Aiyvas: évavnyyoðvro ðè kal vaðs pakpàs kai poprnyoùs moňààs ÑOporbov kal Thv AANV rapackeviv dvunrépßànrov énorovro.
74. Er čpyóvros © ’Alńvnot Nixouayov “Pw- paot karéornoav ónárovs ldiov Mdpxiov kai Ti- rov Mádààov Topkovârov. èmi ðè roúrwv Pwkiwv
` e9 Ka ~ t f h > èv ô ° Abnvatos kareroàéunoe Kàeirapyov tòr ° Epe- 2 rpias Trúpavvov kaleorauévov nò Ďiàimmov. karà Sè rùv Kapiav Ilibóðapos* ó vewrepos Tv dðed- pôv eééBadev èk tis ðvvaoreias ”Aðav kal éðvvd- arevoev éry mévre čws èm tùv ’Adeédvðpov Srdbacıv cis rv ° Aciav.
Pirros è del pâňov aùkópuevos émi rùv Ilé- pwbov éorpárevoev, evavriovuévyv uèv éavr® mpos Sè ’Abnvaiovs arokàivovoav. ovornodpevos ðè Toopkiav kal pnyavas mpoodywv ti) móde kab’ ġ- 3 uépav ék ĝiaðoyis mpocéßaddev rofs treiyeow. òy-
1 Iebóðapos PX, Inéwdwpos R, Iinéódopos F; IMiéwðapos in Arrian, 1. 23. 7; Strabo, 14. 2. 17; Head, Historia Nummorum?, 630 (Fischer); ILiéóŝapos Plutarch, Alewan- der, 10. 1-2. -
1 Plutarch, Timoleon, 25. 1. 2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 21. 3.
44
BOOK XVI. 73. 2—74. 3
the Carthaginians approached him through embas- sies in a desire to be included in his alliance.
The Carthaginians recognized that their generals in Sicily were conducting the war in a spiritless manner and decided to send out new ones, together with heavy reinforcements.* Straightway they made a levy for the campaign from among their noblest citi- zens ? and made suitable drafts among the Libyans. Furthermore, appropriating a large sum of money, they enlisted mercenaries from among the Iberians, Celts, and Ligurians.* They were occupied also with the construction of battleships. They assembled many freighters and manufactured other supplies in enor- mous quantities.
74. When Nicomachus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Gaius Marcius and Titus Manlius Torquatus.* In this year, Phocion the Athe- nian defeated and expelled Cleitarchus, the tyrant of Eretria who had been installed by Philip. In Caria, Pizodarus,’ the younger of the brothers, ousted Ada from her rule as dynast and held sway for five years until Alexander’s crossing over into Asia.
Philip, whose fortunes were constantly on the in- crease, made an expedition against Perinthus, which had resisted him and inclined toward the Athenians.’ He instituted a siege and advancing engines to the city assailed the walls in relays day after day. He
3 Plutarch, Timoleon, 28. 6, mentions Libyans, Iberians, and Numidians.
4 Nicomachus was archon at Athens from July 341 to June 340 s.c. The consuls of 344 s.c. were C. Marcius Rutilius and T. Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus (Broughton, 1. 132).
5 Above, chap. 69. 2.
€ These events in Philip’s career are barely noticed by
Justin, 9. 1. 2-5, and onlÌy casual references to them occur elsewhere.
45
342/1 B.C.
341/0 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
Sonkovrarýyeis è múpyovs KATAOKEVÁOIS, únep- aipovras moàù rv kara Tùy Iépiwbov mópywv, éé Únepoyis kareróvyet ToùÙs moÀopkovpévovs" ðuoiws Sè kal ða rÔv kpv cadeówv Ta Teixn kal ôd Tis peraàÀelas ÚropúTTæv mi Toàù pépos Tò Teîxos karéßaàev. apvvopévæov òè rôv Iepivhiwv cùpa- oTwS kal Tayù TEOS ETEpOV dvrorxoðouyodvrwv åyðves Îavpaocroi rai Teyopayiat avvioTavTo. 4 peydàns è pioriuias e¢ aupotépwv OVVLOTAMÉVNS ó pèv Paoideùs moddoùs éxwv Kal mavroðaroùs déupedeîs cià roúrwv roùs emi rÕv emdàgewv òi- A z e b [A ` aywviouévovs iéphepev, ot È Mepivhior modÀoùs kaf’ huépav amoßdovres ovupayiav kat Rén kal kararéàras mapa rv Bvbavriwv mpoceàdfpovro. èérowbévres ov máùw Toîs moàceuiois avehdppnoav kal reroàunkórws roùs Ónèp Ts matpiðos kiwvðúvovs úréuevov. où uùv ô Baoideùs eànye ris pidoriuias, dÀÀa icÀduevos tàs Õuváuetis cis mÀclw uéÉpy cvv- cyÔs êk iaðoyis êreiyopdyet kal kab’ huépav kal vúkrwp. Tpiouvpiovs © éywv orpatruóras kal pe- Aôv kal uyyavôv moMopkyrekðv nAjbos, ére Õè tràs dAdas unyavàs? dvurepßàńrtovs kareróvet ToS TOÀLOpKOVUÉVOVS.
75. Ts è moMopkias moàvypoviov ywopévns kal TÕV KaTÀ TÙY TÓW TOAÀAÔV èv dvarpovévwv, oùk oàiywv ĝe rpavpaTiGopévwv, TÕv & èmirnõeiwv êkàeinóvrwv npooðókiuos v ý) Ts TóAcws Awos. où uv h TÚXN ye mepietðe TÅv TÕv kivõuvvevóvrwv owrTypiav, dAÀà mapdðočov aùroîs kareokeúace Bońðerav. ris yàp Tob Pacidéws aŭfhocws iape- Bonuévns rara rùv °Aciav ó Paciàeùs úßopõóuevos Thv roô Diàinrov Súvapıv éypaye mpòs tToùs èri 46
BOOK XVI. 74. 3—75. 1
built towers eighty cubits high, which far overtopped 341/0 s c.
the towers of Perinthus, and from a superior height kept wearing down the besieged. He rocked the walls with battering rams and undermined them with saps, and cast down a long stretch of the wall, The Pe- rinthians fought stoutly in their own defence and quickly threw up a second wall; many admirable feats were performed in the open and on the fortifi- cations. Both sides displayed great determination. The king, for his part, rained destruction with nu- merous and varied catapults upon the men fighting steadfastly along the battlements, while the Perin- thians, although their daily losses were heavy, re- ceived reinforcements of men, missiles, and artillery from Byzantium. When they had again become a match for the enemy, they took courage and reso- lutely bore the brunt of battle for their homeland. Still the king persevered in his determination. He divided his forces into several divisions and with frequent reliefs kept up a continuous attack on the walls both day and night. He had thirty thousand men and a store of missiles and siege engines besides other machines in plenty, and kept up a steady pres- sure against the besieged people.
75. So the siege dragged on. The numbers mounted of dead and wounded in the city and pro- visions were running short. The capture of the city was imminent. Fortune, however, did not neglect the safety of those in danger but brought them an un- expected deliverance. Philip’s growth in power had been reported in Asia, and the Persian king, viewing
this power with alarm, wrote to his satraps on the
2? zò reîyos Fischer (cp. chap. .49. 1): toô reiyovs. 2 mapacrevàs Fischer (cp. chaps. 73. 3; 78. 5).
4'7
DIODORUS OF SICILY BOOK XVI. 75. 1—76. 2 aàdrry carpdras Bonbeiv Iepwbiois ravri oléve.
coast to give all possible assistance to the Perinthians. 8341/0 s.c. 2 Õiórep oi carpádrar ovuhpovýoavtes éérempav eis
They consequently took counsel and sent off to Pe-
thv Iépwbov puobodópwv nàñlos kal ypńpara ða- pA kat oîrov ikavòv kal PEAN kai TAa mávra TPOS TV TOÔ ToÀéuov ypeiav.
‘Opoiws ĝè kal Butávrior rovs ápiorovs rôv map’ éavroîs hyepóvwv kai orparrwtrÕv éanéoreiav. epapidàwv è rÕv vvduewv yevouévwv kal TOÔ moépov kawwonombhévros maw ý moMopkia pido- 3 reuiav éàdußavev dvurépßàņrov. ó pèv yàp Dirros roîŭs kpioîs rónTwv tà Telyn ovveyôs kaTéĥade kat ða rv dévfeðv dveipywv roùs èri TÕv rdàéewv dua uèv tà TV TMETMTWKÓTWV TEL- xôv abpóws* roîs orparuórTais cioénminrev, dua &è Õià TÕv kùudkwv mpos Tà yeyvuvwuéva TÕV TEL- xôv mpocéßawe: ò kal ts udyns èk yetpòs oùons ot pèv dréðvyorov ot è Tpaúpaocı moňoîs mepiémiTTOV. TA Õè Ts vikns mabda mpoekadeîro 4ràs rõv aywviopévwv dvpayaðbðías: ot èv yàp Maxeðóves eàriovres eùðaiyova mów Siaprádoew kat Õwpeaîs rò roô Piirrov riunbhoeohari Sià TÅv Tob Àvorredoûs éàmiða rols ewoîs èvekapré- povv, ot è moàopkoúpevoi Tà TÅS å\óoews Šewà mpò òphaàuðv čyovres Úrépevov eùpúyws tóv rèp tis owrypias rivõuvov.
76. Zuvepdàero è roîs moMopkovuévois ý ú- ois TÕS TOAcwS TOAL mpos Tv rèp trÔv wv vi- kv? N yàp Mépwbos kerar uèv mapà Odìarrav èri Tiwos aùyévos Úpnàoð yeppovýoov oraðıačov yov- ons Tòv aùyéva, tàs ` oiklas ëxet menvkvwpévas 2 kal Toîs Ùpeoi radepoðoas. aĝraı Şè raîs olkoĝo- 48
rinthus a force of mercenaries, ample funds, and suf- ficient stocks of food, missiles, and other materials required for operations. ;
Similarly the people of Byzantium also sent them their best officers and soldiers. So the armies were again well matched, and as the fighting was resumed, the siege was waged with supreme determination. Philip constantly battered the walls with his rams, making breaches in them, and as his catapults cleared the battlements of defenders, he would at the same moment drive through the breached walls with his soldiers in close formation and assail with scaling ladders the portions of the walls which he had cleared. Then hand-to-hand combat ensued and some were slain outright, others fell under many wounds. The rewards of victory challenged the daring of the con- testants, for the Macedonians hoped to have a wealthy city to sack and to be rewarded by Philip with gifts, the hope of profit steeling them against danger, while the Perinthians had before their eyes the horrors of capture and sustained with great courage the battle for their deliverance.
76. The natural setting of the city greatly aided the besieged Perinthians towards a decisive victory. It lies by the sea on a sort of high peninsula with an isthmus one furlong across, and its houses are packed close together and very high. In their construction
1 Poppo suggested dpois.
2 viry] pidoveixiav Fischer (cp. Books 13. 60. 1; 14. 12. 2); Dindorf omits úrėp.
3 éni twos úfmàñĵs Sherman. Fischer suggests dvaorýparos for aùyéos, which he believes aroe from the following at-
xé&ra. 49
DIODORUS OF SICILY
m~ ’ > l 3 A paîs aiel karà Tùv eis Tòv Àóġov avápaow dAÀANAwV m “~ e ! ónepéyovo kal rò oxfjua tis àņns móàews Îearpo- ciôès dmoreàoðo, Öiórep TÕv Teyðv ovveyðs karaßaňouévwv oùðèv Ņàarroűvro’ iorkoðouov- a A res yàp ToÙùs oTevwToùs TaÎs alel KATWTÁTALS a 7 ? m 3 oikiais orep òyvpoîs Tiot Teiyeow èypõvro. ğı- ~ h z ónep ó Ďíùrros merà nov móvwv kai kivôúv- m Z 3 ? € ÁI VWV TOÔ TELXYOVS KPATHOAS LOXVPÖTEpPOV EÙPLOKE TO m ~ m~ lA e lA TEĪYOS TÒ ÕLA TÕV OLKLÕV QAÙTOATWS NTOLAOHÉVOV. A t4 A 4 mpòs è roúrors ék Tot Bvģavriov mdvræwv rv mpos e 7 lA ròv nóÀcepov ypqoipwv éroipws yopqyovpévwv 2 £ ` `Y ` enépioe tràs ðvuvápes cis ÖÝo uEÉp kal TOÙS pev m m + k A, m~ huioes TÕv otparwTÕv &néÀATmev ml TS TOAL- a ` > ’ £ la opkías, émioThoas aùToîs roùs dpiorovs ùhyepóvas, A k 3 } ` kd pi 4 1 roùs © aAdovs mapañafpav aùròs mpocémeoev dovw Fa A T Bvtavriw kai moopkiav ioyvpàv ovveorýoarTo. 4 oi Òè Bugdvrior rÔv Te orparrwrtÂv kal r©v BeAðv a i m + b a kal TÕv dÀAÀwv TÕv ypnoiuwv mapà toîs Ilepwhiors òvrwv eis ToÀAÀÑÙv evéminrtov åunyaviav. hS ` ` ` lg ` l k Kai rà èv mepi Ilepivbiovs rait Bvgavriovs èv TOÛTOLS ÑV. m~ f A a Tôv ðè ovyypadéwv ”Eġopos èv ò Kvpaîos riv e a kA y [A > i ] ld toropiav évłdðe karéorpopev eis rùv Hepivôov À Euo N Sè a A : / mooprkiav: nepieiànpe Sè t ypaph mpdécis Tás Ea e 2 ` / 3 z 3 p! “~ te TrÕv ‘EdMývwv kai Pappádpwv ádpéduevos darò ris A e A La ’ ` [4 rôv ‘Hpardcedðv rahóðov: ypóvov è repiéaße m ` e lá erv oyeðov émrakociwv kal mevrýkovra kal ßú-
1 The sieges were given under the year 340/39 s.c. by Philochorus (Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 328, T 54) ; they may well have extended over more than one archon year.
50
BOOK XVI. 76. 2-5
along the slope of the hill they overtop one another 341/0 B.C.
and thus give the city the general aspect of a theatre. In spite of the constant breaches in the fortifications, consequently, the Perinthians were not defeated, for they blocked up the alley-ways and utilized the lowest tier of houses each time as though it were a wall of defence. When Philip with much labour and hard fighting mastered the city wall, he found that the houses afforded a stronger one, ready made by Fortune. Since, in addition, the city’s every need was promptly met by supplies coming to Perinthus from Byzantium, he split his forces in two, and leaving one division under his best officers to continue the opera- tions before Perinthus, marched himself with the other and, making a sudden attack on Byzantium, enclosed that city also in a tight siege. Since their men and weapons and war equipment were all at Perinthus, the people of Byzantium found themselves seriously embarrassed.
Such was the situation at Perinthus and Byzan- tium.!
Ephorus of Cymê, the historian, closed his history at this point with the siege of Perinthus, having in- cluded in his work the deeds of both the Greeks and the barbarians from the time of the return of the Heracleidae. He covered a period of almost seven hundred and fifty years,? writing thirty books and
2 Diodorus nowhere mentions the beginning of Ephorus’s history, perhaps because it began as far back as his own. In chap. 14. 3 he referred to its continuation by his son Demo- philus. According to Clement of Alexandria (Stromateis, 1. 139. 4), Ephorus reckoned 735 years between the Return of the Heracleidae and the archonship of Evaenetus, 835/4 B.c. On that basis, B. ten Brinck (Philologus, 6 (1851), 589) sug- gested correcting “‘ fifty ” here to “ thirty.”
51
DIODORUS OF SICILY
Bàovs yéypage Tpidrovra, mpooipiov ékdory npobeis. 6 Alvààos &’ ó °Abyvatos Tis Sevrépas ovvrdćews áp- xv menointrar rs 'Epópov iotopias tiv Teàevriv X A EEA (a + lA m~ ę lA kal ràs éÉfs mpáéeis ovveiper rás Te TÕv “EAMývwv kai rÔv Pappápwv péypıi rs Diínnov redevris. 77. Er &pyovros & °’Abývyoi Ocodpdorov ‘Pw- paîor uèv Úrdrovs karéorņnoav Mdápkov Ova- àépiov kal Aĝàov Kopvýov, ódvumas © NxêN Sckáry mpòs raîs ékaróv, kał Ñv vika ordðiov 2° Avricàğs “Abnvaîos. émi è roúrav irmrov B lA À la 2 a * » x včavriov no\oprovros ` Abnvator uev ékpwav Tòv Piiirrov AcÀukévar Tùv mpòs aùroùs ovvreleîcav 3 A 3A ` i 2 ` d l4 eipńvyv: eùlùs è kai Õúvayıv vavrıkiv agródoyov 3E A a 1 e + eéénewmpav Bonbýoovoav roîs Bvčavríois. pows òè roúrois Xior kal Kor kat ‘Póðiot kai Twes € A La z / ? [A A érepor rv “EMivwv ovupayiav èčérmempav rToîs 3 Bubavriois. Sıórep ð PArnros karardayeis Ti ovvôpopj rv ‘EdMvæv rýv re moMopkiav tv nmóàcwv éàvoe kal mpos `Alnvaiovs kal roùs dÀ- Aovs “Edànvas Toùs évavriovuévovs ovvélero Tùv ELpPŇVNV. Karà è ryv Pikeàlav Kapynõóvior uèv peydàas 3 mapackevàs cis Tròv móàepov nenompévoi Šießi- Bacav tràs Òvvdpeis eis rv Pukeàiav. eîyov õè
1 His history was referred to above, chap. 14. 5.
2 That is, Philip the son of Cassander, who died in 297/6 B.C. i
3 Theophrastus was archon at Athens from July 340 to June 339 s.c. The Olympic Games were celebrated in mid- summer of 340 B.c. Broughton (1. 132) lists the consuls of
52
BOOK XVI. 76. 5—77. 4
prefacing each with an introduction. Diyllus * the Athenian began the second section of his history with the close of Ephorus’s and made a connected narrative of the history of Greeks and barbarians from that point to the death of Philip.?
77. When Theophrastus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius and Aulus Cornelius, and the one hundred and tenth Olympiad was celebrated, in which Anticles the Athenian won the foot-race.? In this year, seeing that Philip was besieging Byzantium, the Athenians voted that he had broken his treaty with them and promptly dispatched a formidable fleet to aid that city. Besides them, the Chians, Coans, Rhodians, and some others of the Greeks sent reinforcements also. Philip was frightened by this joint action, broke off the siege of the two cities, and made a treaty of peace with the Athenians and the other Greeks who opposed him.*
In the west, the Carthaginians prepared great stores of war materials and transported their forces to Sicily.* They had all told, including the forces
343 r.c. as M. Valerius Corvus and A. Cornelius Cossus Arvina.
4 This account of Diodorus differs from the presumably correct one given elsewhere, going back over Philochorus to Theopompus (in Didymus: Jacoby, Fragmente der grie- chischen Historiker, no. 115, F 292). Byzantium was assisted by Chios, Cos, and Rhodes, her old allies in the Social War, as well as by the Persians. The Athenian fleet under Chares arrived only to ensure the safe passage of the grain fleet from the Black Sea. Philip’s capture of this fleet was a major factor in Athens’ decision to abrogate the peace treaty ; the result was war, not peace. Cp. Demosthenes, 18 (De Corona) 87-94; Plutarch, Phocion, 14.
6 Continued from chap. 73. Plutarch, Timoleon, 25. 1, gives the same figures, but fails. to mențion the cavalry and the chariots.
53
341/0 B.0.
340/39 B.C.
(ezi
[A]
3
DIODORUS OF SICILY
TOÙS mávras* oùv Toîs Tpoütápxovow êv k) vo% metoùs pèv mÀelovs TÕV ÉTTAKOpUpiWV, immreîs Õè kal ãppaTa kal ovvwpiðas oùk ÈÀATTOUS TÕV pupiwv, vaðs õè-uarpàs pev õrakooias,” poprnyovs Sè ràs roùs imnovs Te kat BEAN kal oîrov kal TAAÀa Kkouioúcas TÀelovs TÕV xAiwv, Tiuoàéwv òè mvlópevos TÒ uéyebos TIS TÕV modepiwv Övvápews où karenàáyn TOÙS Bappápovs, kainep eis óAíyovs OTPATLÖTAS CUVEOCTAÀMÉVOS. exov Sè móÀcuov mpos Ikérav ĝicàúsaro mpòs aùròv kal mpocàafóuevos TOÙS HETA TOÛÚTOV OTPATLÓTAS OÙ HETpLWS NÜENGE Tùv iðiav ðúvaptv.
78. ”Eðoće aùr rov mpòs Toùs Poimvkas áyõva ovorýoaoða katà TÙv TÔV Kapynõoviwv êmikpáTerav, TWS TA pèv Tõv ovupdywv xópav aowh Srapvàdén TV ò” úrò roùs Bapßápovs osav rarapheipn. eùlòs oùv TOoŬÚS TE pobopópovs Kal Zuparosiovs kal TOÙS AÀAOVS gvuuáyovs àbpoicas kal kowùv èkkàņnoiav ouvvayayaw mapwpunoe Toîs oikelois Àðyors TA TAHON mpos Tròv vnrèp? rÕv wv ayôva' TÁVTWV &’ aroĝegapévwv Toùs Aóyovs kal Povrwv yew TV TAXIOTNV TL Toùs Papßápovs npofyev xwv Toùs oúumavras où TÀelovs TÕV uvpiwv kal ÑoyALwV.
"Hò È aŭro karà tTùv ` Akpayavrvnv övros mapaĝóčws vénreoe TÅ oTparı TAPaXÌ kal OTAOILS. Tõv yàp pobopópwv TLS õvopa Opacios, TETVÀNKOS TÒ év Aeàgoîs iepòv perà rõv Dwréwv, &Tovoig ð kal Opdoet Srapépwv, akóàovlov roîs mpõrepov Te-
1 toùs navras PX, oúunravras cet. 2 Searocias| éßõðouýkovra PX, but see Plutarch, Timoleon, 25. 1.
54
BOOK XVI. 77. 4—78. 3
previously on the island, more than seventy thousand 340/39 s.c.
infantry ; cavalry, war-chariots, and extra teams of horses amounting to not less than ten thousand ; two hundred battleships; and more than a thousand freighters carrying the horses, weapons, food and everything else. Timoleon was not daynted, how- ever, although he learned the size of the hostile force while he himself was reduced to a handful of soldiers. He was still at war with Hicetas, but came to terms with him and took over his troops, thus materially increasing his own army.!
78. He decided to commence the struggle with the Carthaginians in their own territory so as to keep intact the land of his allies while wasting that which was subject to the barbarians. He assembled his mercenaries immediately, together with the Syra- cusans and his allies, called a general assembly, and encouraged his audience with appropriate words to face the decisive struggle. When all applauded and shouted, urging him to lead them immediately against the barbarians, he took the field with not more than twelve thousand men in all.?
He had reached the territory of Agrigentum when unexpected confusion and discord broke out in his army. One of his mercenaries named Thrasius, who had been with the Phocians when they plundered the shrine at Delphi and was remarkable for his mad recklessness, now perpetrated an act that matched
2? Plutarch does not mention the support furnished Timo- leon by Hicetas at this time.
2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 25. 2-3, states that there were 3000 Syracusans and 4000 mercenaries, of whom 1000 deserted before the battle; the remainder were 5000 foot and 1000 horse.
3 ýmèp added by Reiske- (cp. chap. 76. 1). 55
DIODORUS OF SICILY
4 roàunpévois mpâéw érereàéocaro. tÕv yàp AÀwvV OXEĞOV ATAVTWV TÖV HETAOCXÓVTWV TS Eis TÒ uav- Teîov mapavopias TeETEVyőTwV ÚTO TOÔ Õaruoviov tis npooņnkoúonņs Tiuwpias, kabárep pkp mpó- tepov àveypdyauev, uóvos oĝros ĝiadeÀnl®ws Tò Qeîov êreyeipnoe roùòs pmohodópovs mapoppâv mpòs 5 anóoraow. ëy yap ròv Tiuoàčovra mapaghpo- vođvra mpòs ópoàoyovuévyv dmwdcav dye TOÙS orparoras: éŻaràaciovs yàp vras toùs Kapxny- õoviovs kal máoas tTaîs mapackevaîs dvureppàn- TOUS ÚTAPXYOVTAS ÈNAYYÉAAETAL VIKÝOEW, ÈVaATOKU- Beúwv raîs rv pmolodópwv pvyaîs, oùðè roùs oderiouévovs poloùs Tooð ypóvov ðià Tův àTo- 6 piav aroĝeðwkos. ovveßoúdevev ov dvakáunTew cis Tras Xvupakoúocas kal roùs puoboùs araretv, eml òè orparelav aneyvwouévyy uù ovvakoàovleîv.
79. Tôv è mologópwv dcuévws roùs Àóyovs Õcyouévwv kal vewrTeplbew èmiyeipoóvrov poys Toà òenleis aùrôv ó Tiuoàéwr’ kal Swpeàs enmayyeàÀóuevos karénavoe Tùv Trapaxyńýv. pws Šè TÔ Opaciw yıiwv ovvakodàovônodvrwv tùův pèv roúrwv Kõàaow eis érepov àveßdàero rkapóv, ypápas ðè mpòs roùs èv Bvpakovosais piàovs npocðééachai roúrovs hiàodpóvws kal roùs molos dnoðoðvaı TÅův èv Trapayhv mâcav els TéÀos karé- opece, rv © dmerðnodvræwv adeiàaro thv èk tis 2 vikns eùðoéíav. aùros è roùs dAdovs raîs hiàav- Opðrois évreúćeow eis rùv mpoŭürtápyovoav eðvorav anokaraorýoas mpofyev mi ToÙùs Todeuiovs où pakpàv orparoreðeúovras. ovvayayòv &’` els Tùv ekkànoiav toùs otparuóras kal ià TÔv Àdywv Odpoos mapaorýoas roîs màýleoi SAGE pèv Tùv 56
BOOK XVI. 78. 3—79. 2
his former outrages. While almost all the rest who 340/39 s.c
had participated in the sacrilege against the oracle had received from the deity their due punishment, as we reported a little earlier, he who alone had eluded divine vengeance attempted to incite the mercenaries to desert. He said that Timoleon was out of his mind and was leading his men to certain destruction. The Carthaginians were six times their number and were immeasurably superior in every sort of equipment, but Timoleon was nevertheless promising that they would win, gambling with the lives of the mercenaries whom for a long time because of lack of funds he had not even been able to pay. Thrasius recommended that they should return to Syracuse and demand their pay, and not follow Timoleon any further on a hopeless campaign.
79. The mercenaries received his speech with en- thusiasm and were on the point of mutiny, but Timoleon with some difficulty quieted the disturbance by urgent pleading and the offer of gifts. Even so, a thousand men did go off with Thrasius,? but he put of their punishment till a later time, and by writing to his friends in Syracuse to receive them kindly and to pay them their arrears he brought the unrest to an end, but also stripped the disobedient men of all credit for the victory. With the rest, whose loyalty he had regained by tactful handling, he marched against the enemy who were encamped not far away. Calling an assembly of the troops, he encouraged them with an address, describing the
1 Chap. 58. 6. 2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 25. 3-4.
1 ó Tıpoàćwv added by Rhodoman. 57
DIODORUS OF SICILY
tôv Dowikwv avavôpiav únréuvyoe è ris Téiwvos eùnuepias. 3 Idvræv è kabdrep rvi mu fwv Powvrwv èri- a ~ [A OéoÂa roîs Papßápois kai karápyeoðat TS páXNIS, karà túynv úročvyiwv céùwa komóvrwv eis TAS td e f KA Fd A 3 ` ~ oriPdðas ò Tiıpoéwv ép ðéyeolar Tòv otwvòv tis vikns: rov yap `Iofuaròv oréhpavov k geàívov 4 gvvioracĝat. oi Õè OTpaATLÕTAL TApPAYyYELAAVTOS “~ + 2 ~ + $ + roô Tipodéovros èk rÕv oeàivwv màééavres orehd- vous kal rats kepañaîs meptÂévres mpoĵyov uera yapâs os rv lev npoonuawóvrwv aùroîs TÙV 5 vikqv' önep kat ovvéßny yevéobar: mepieyévovro yàp dveàTtiotrws TÕV moeuiwv où uóvov ia TaS iÖias $ È 3 `Y 4 ` ~ ~ ~ ld avôpayalias, dAd kat ðeà rv rÕv heðv cvvepyiav. e ` 4 lA bd 2 ~ 2 + O pèr yàp Tiuoàéwv kragas rùv ðúvauıv karé- awev anró Twwv Aópwv èri rov Kpipioov motrapòv A A LA ld 2 kd lá s kal pupiwv jòn deaßeßnkórwv é èpóðov rTovrtois enéppače, rerayuévos aùtTòs èri péons ris pdàay- 6 yos. yevouévns è udyns kaprepôs kal TÕV ‘“EàMńvæv úrepeyóvrwv raîs re dperaîs kal raîs l m 3 cùyerpiars mods éyivero póvos rv Bapßpápæwv. Ùùòn Õè devyóvrwv rÕv ĝiaßeßnrórwv ) mêca ðúvapus TtÕv Kapynõoviwv meparwheîoa rò peîhpov Sewphw- cato Tù TÕv Ôiwv rrav.
1 MSS. omit. Kpipcov supplied from Plutarch, Timoleon, 25. 4 (Kpiuņoov) with the spelling common elsewhere.
1 That is, at the battle of Himera, 480 sB.c. Polybius re- proaches Timaeus for placing in the mouth of Timoleon derogatory remarks concerning the Carthaginians, but not advancing proof that Timoleon did not actually speak in this way (12. 26a; Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 566, F 31).
58
BOOK XVI. 79. 2-6
cowardice of the Phoenicians and recalling the success 340/39 s.c.
of Gelon.?!
Just at the moment when all as with one voice were clamouring to attack the barbarians and to begin the battle, it chanced that pack animals came carrying wild celery ? for their bedding, and Timoleon declared that he accepted the omen of his victory, for the crown at the Isthmian games is woven of this. On his suggestion, the soldiers plaited crowns out of celery and with their heads wreathed advanced cheer- fully in the confidence that the gods foretold their victory. And that, as a matter of fact, is how it was, for unpredictably, incredible to tell, they got the better of the enemy not only through their own valour but also through the gods’ specific assistance.
Timoleon deployed his forces and advanced down from a line of little hills to the river Crimisus,? where ten thousand of the enemy had already crossed. These he shattered at the first onset, taking his own position in the centre of his line.* There was a sharp fight, but as the Greeks were superior both in bravery and in skill, there was great slaughter of the bar- barians. The rest began to flee, but the main body of the Carthaginians crossed the river in the mean time and restored the situation.
2 This was the apium graveolens which is also frequently called parsley. It is fragrant (cp. Olck, Real-Encyclopädie, 6 (1909), 255 f.). This anecdote was told by Timaeus (Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 566, F 118) and appears in Plutarch, Timoleon, 26.
3 The river is variously spelled Crimesus (Plutarch, Timo- leon, 25. 4) and Crimissus (Nepos, Timoleon, 2. 4).
4 The story of the battle is told more circumstantially in Plutarch, Timoleon, 27-29. The time was just before the summer solstice of 339 s.c. (Plutarch, Timoleon, 27. 1).
59
DIODORUS OF SICILY
80. Kaworombeions Sè ts udxyns ral rôv Dowikwv T nÀýhe mepiyeouévwv' roùs “EdÀnvas dhvw moàùs èk To mepiéyovros õußpos kateppáyn kal yaàdtns eùueyébovs màñlos, dotparai re kat
povrat perà TvevpáTwv PEYÁÀWV KATÉOKNTTOV" kat Toðrwv andádvrwv Îvediopopovuévwv roîs uèv "Eno: karà võrov, roîs è Papßápois karà mpóo- wrov ot èv mepi ròv Tiuoàéovra rò oúunrtrwua pgðiws únréuevov, ot Sè Doivixes rò uéyebos rs TEPLOTATEWS dépew dðvvaroðvres, ua è kal TÕV ‘“EdMývov èmxeruévæv, npòs puyùv ðpunoav. 2 Iávræv © mi rov morapòv tperopévwv, àvauié
inméw re kal neÇÂv, kal TÔv åppdræwv dua Toúrois pupouévwv oi èv ór’ aÀÀńÀwv ovurarovuevoi kal Toîs tÕv ovupdywv ihesi kal Aóyyais mepirerpó- evot Tv ovuhopàv čoxov áßońðnrov, ot & úrò TÕv mapa Toîşs Toeulois imméwv eis TÒ TOÔ To- Tauot peTbpov àayeànòv ouvveiavvóuevoi kal karà 3 vórov tràs mànyàs Aaußdvovres åméĝvnokov. mod- Àot Õe dvev moàepias mànyñs Siepheipovro ocwpev- ouévav TÕv cwudrwv id re ròv péßov kai rò mÀñÂos kai ià ras èv TÔ pelðpw Svoyepelas. rò Se uéyiorov, ÀAdppwv yeyevnuéevæv rôv òußpwv ô Totas Prarorépw T peúuaTtı karaßepóuevos Toà- Àoùs eBánriġe kai perà rÕv öràwv ĝiavnyouévovs Sréphepe. 4 Tédos õðè rôv Kapynõoviwv oi uèv ròv iepòv Àóxov dvaràņpoðvres kal ròv uèv åpıðuðv ğvres croyidior kal mevrakóoior, raîs §’ dperaîs kal Òóéais ër Òè raîs oùciors mpwreðovres änavres ayaviod- 5 pevot Àaunpôs karekónyoav. rv È. &Awv rÂv ovoTpatevopévwv aùroîs åmébavov mÀelovs rÔv uv-
60
BOOK XVI. 80. 1-5
80. As the battle was renewed, the Phoenicians 340/39 s.c.
were overwhelming the Greeks with their superior numbers when, suddenly, from the heavens sheets of rain broke and a storm of great hailstones, while lightning flashed and thunder roared and the wind blew in fierce gusts. All of this tempest buffeted the backs of the Greeks but struck the faces’of the bar- barians, so that, though Timoleon’s soldiers were not much inconvenienced by the affair, the Phoenicians could not stand the force of circumstances, and as the Greeks continued to attack them, they broke into flight.
As all sought the river together—horse and foot intermingled, while the chariots added to the con- fusion—some perished helplessly trodden under foot or pierced by the swords or lances of their comrades, while others were herded by Timoleon’s cavalry into the bed of the river and were struck down from be- hind. Many died without an enemy’s stroke as the bodies piled up in the panic. There was crowding and it was difficult to keep one’s feet in the stream. Worst of all, as the rain came down heavily, the river swept downstream as a raging torrent and carried the men with it, drowning them as they struggled to swim in their heavy armour.
In the end, even the Carthaginians who composed the Sacred Battalion,! twenty-five hundred in number and drawn from the ranks of those citizens who were distinguished for valour and reputation as well as for wealth, were all cut down after a gallant struggle. In the other elements of their army, more than ten
1 This unit is mentioned again by Diodorus in another connection, Book 20. 10. 6. i 1 So Wesseling : mepieyopévwv.
61
DIODORUS OF SICILY
piwv, aiyudàwrot Ò eAýplnoav oùk àdrtrTovs TÕv uupiwv kat mevrakioyiÀiwv. TÕV È AppáTwWV TÀ èv ToàÀd ovverpiby kara ròv dyðva, ĝiakócia &’ HAW TA è okevopópa kal Tà eóyn kat trà mÀń- 0n räv apağðv Ýroyeípia rots “EAàņow èyévero. 6 rÔv © ÖnÀàwv TÀ TOA èv Únò roô morauoô ði- epôdpn, éni dè rhv roô Tiuodéovros oryviv yiàiot pv Oópakes doriðes Sè màciovs rÕv pvpiwv ån- nvéxðņoav. rtoúrwv & vorepov rà uèv èv roîs èv Zvpakoðocais vaoîs dveréðn, Tà è Toîs ovuudyors õreuepiohn, rwa © eis Kópwbðov Tipoàéwv àn- éoreràe nmpoordčas eis rò roô [looebðvos iepòv avabeîvar.
81. Iloðv è kat ypnudrav rkaraàņnghévrwv Sia rò roùs Kapynõoviovs synkévai màñlos ékrw- páTwv dpyvpðv re kal ypvoðv, črt è ròv &AÀov kőóopov úmepßdňňovra ià rò puéyebos rs map aùrToîs eùmopias TaVTA OCUVEXØPNOE TOTS OTpaTUD- 2 Tras éyew ëmalàa rûs åvõpayaðias. rôv è Kapyn- Ôoviwv oi õiadvyóvres ròv év r páyn rivõvvov póyis eis rò Adóßarov Seodbnoav. rocaúrn &’ aùroùs kardnànéıs kal Öéos kareîyev ğore uù Toàpâv cis Tas vas éupaivew unë’ åroràeîv eis Thv Apúnv, ós à rv rv hev ddorpióryra mpòs aùroùs úrò roô Aıpukoð meàdyovs kararoĝnoo-
t uévovs.
Oi © èv ri Kapynèóvı rò uéyebos mvÂópevor TÎS cvupopâs ovverpíßynoav raîs pvyaîs kal ovvrópws úneàdppPavov ğÑéew èr aùroùs ròv Tipoàéovra perà
1 So Fischer: xal in MSS, before rods Kapy. 62
BOOK XVI. 80. 5—81. 3
thousand soldiers were killed and no less than fifteen 40/39 B.c.
thousand were taken captive. Most of the chariots were destroyed in the battle but two hundred were taken. The baggage train, with the draught animals and most of the wagons, fell into the hands of the Greeks. Most of the armour was lost in the river, but a thousand breastplates and more «than ten thousand shields were brought to the tent of Timo- leon. Of these, some were dedicated later in the temples at Syracuse, some were distributed among the allies, and some were sent home by Timoleon to Corinth with instructions to dedicate them in the temple of Poseidon.?
81. The battle yielded a great store of wealth also, because the Carthaginians had with them an abun- dance of silver and gold drinking vessels; these, as well as the rest of the personal property which was very numerous because of the wealth of the Cartha- ginians, Timoleon allowed the soldiers to keep as rewards for their gallantry.? For their part, the Car- thaginians who escaped from the battle made their way with difficulty to safety at Lilybaeum. Such consternation and terror possessed them that they did not dare embark in their ships and sail to Libya, persuaded that they would be swallowed up by the Libyan Sea because their gods had forsaken them.
In Carthage itself, when news of the extent of the disaster had come, all were crushed in spirit and took it for granted that Timoleon would come against
1 Plutarch, Timoleon, 28. 5-6, gives the number of dead as 10,000, including 3000 Carthaginians.
2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 29.
3 Plutarch, Timoleon, 30. 1, states only that Timoleon al- lowed his mercenaries to plunder the territory of the Cartha- ginians (cp. chap. 73.1).
i 63
DIODORUS OF SICILY
tis ðvuváuews. ebd Sè Féokwva rov ”Avvwvos nepvyaðevuévov karýyayov kat orparņnyðv dréðe- av ià rò Õoreîv róduy Te kal orparqyig Siapépew. 4 aùTol Ò’ ëkpwav ToùTiKkoîs uèv oóuaoi uù Siar- Suvevew, pobopópovs è dddoeðveîs åðpoítew kal paora “Eàànvas: órakovoeoðat © avroîs Tps TÙY oTpateiav Toàdoùs óreàdupavov ià rò uéyebos Tis pmohopopâs* kal ùv eùroplav rs Kapynõóvos. ceis è rhv Yukxeàilav roùs eùbérovs mpéoßeis ¿éŻé- nmepbav, npooráéavres è$? oîs äv ĝ Svvaròv ovv- Oéobar Tv ciphvnv.
82. To © rovs rovrov reÀbóvros A bývno pèv pxe Avoruayiðns, èv ‘Póun & iraroi kabe- at)keoav Kówros Xepoviňos kal Mápros ‘Pov- Tiħos. èm òè roúrwv Tiuoàéwv eraveàbàv eis Zupakoúooas mpôrov pèv roùs èykaradıróvras avrov? mglodópovs roùs merà Opaciov mdvras ék 2 TÑS móÀcws ðs mpoðőras övras eédßadev. oror & eis ùv 'Iraàlav ŝiaßdávres kal ywpiov ri rapala- Àdrriov èv ti Bperrig karaňaßópevor ýprasav. oi è Bpérrioi mapoćuvðévres eùbòs perà Õvvduews ToAÀñs éorTpdrevoav èr’ aùroùs ral rò xwpiov êknoùopkýoavres dnavras karņkóvrioav. oi uèv oĝv karaùıróvres ròv Tiuoàdovra poĝopópor tÎs iias mapavouias èrdÂÀov? ToaŬTys ovuģopâs črv- xov.
3 ‘O è Tiuoàéwv Iooréuiov ròv Tuppyvòv Swðera
7 `Y Aņortpiot Toùs mÀéovras Àņičóuevov kal karardeú-
1 âs edi poboġopâs editors : ovudopâs. ? aùròv added by NA 64
BOOK XVI. 81. 3—82. 3
them directly with his army. They wasted no time in recalling from exile Gisco t the son of Hanno and appointing him general, for they thought that he best combined the qualities of boldness and military skill. They voted not to risk the lives of citizens in the future but to enlist foreign mercenaries, especi- ally Greeks ? who, they thought, would answer the call in large numbers because of the high rate of pay and the wealth of Carthage ; and they sent skilled envoys to Sicily with instructions to make peace on whatever terms proved possible.
82. At the end of this year, Lysimachides became archon at Athens, and in Rome there were elected as consuls Quintus Servilius and Marcus Rutilius.? In this year, Timoleon returned to Syracuse and promptly expelled from the city as traitors all the mercenaries who had abandoned him under the lea- dership of Thrasius. These crossed over into Italy, and coming upon a coastal town in Bruttium, sacked it. The Bruttians, incensed, immediately marched against them with a large army, stormed the place, and shot them all down with javelins.t Those who had abandoned Timoleon were rewarded by such mis- fortune for their own wickedness.
Timoleon himself seized and put to death Postu- mius the Etruscan,’ who had been raiding sea traffic
1 Plutarch, Timoleon, 30.3. 2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 30. 3.
3 Lysimachides was archon at Athens from July 339 to June 338 s.c. The consuls of 342 s.c. were Q. Servilius Ahala and C. Marcius Rutilus (Broughton, 1. 133).
4 Plutarch, Timoleon, 30. 1-2. Another group of the im- pious mercenaries is mentioned also in 30, 4.
6 This story does not appear in Plutarch.
aT A A O A A a
3 ènáðàov Wesseling : ëmaĝàov. Fischer inserts Àafóvres after ënalàov.
VOL, VIII D 65
340/39 B.C.
3839/8 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
cavrta cis Xupakovocas ws hiàov ovààaßàv èbavd- Twoev. ýneðégaro ðè kai Toùs rò Kopwhiwv 3 lA d lA t y hi ekneuplévras oikýropas diodpóvws, ðvras ròv apiðpòv mevrakıoyiÀiovs. perà Sè rara TÕv Kapxynõoviwv ianpeoßevoauévwv kal moààà ĝen- Qévrwv ovveyópnoev aùroîs tv eiphvnv ČoTeE TAS ` ‘EAA [Ò SÀ e 2 À Oé ky ` uèv nviðas móàcis drdoas àcvhépas eîvar, TÒV ôt Aúrov rañoúuevov morauòv piov elvat Tis éka- Tépwv èmpateias: pù) eécîvae Sè Kapynõoviois Ponhfoar Tos rupdvvors roîs moàepoðot mpos Lvpa- Kkosiovs. ` ` A ha ` e ! 2 Merà è raðra ròv pèv ‘Ixérav karanoàepńoas > , 1 ` >» ” oOo ehavárwoe,* roùs &’ év Aïrvn Kapravoùs kroop- l4 LA ` 7 hy k kcas ğéplepe. ral Nixóðnuov èv ròv Kevropi- mivwav Túpavvov karanànéduevos ečéßadev èk rîs l bd 2 hI ` > [d d nóàcws, Amowvdònv Sè ròv Ayvpwaiwv vvd- oryv maúoas Ts Tupavviðos roùs édevhlepwbévras Zvpakocíovs ènoiņnoe. ralódov è mdávras rToùs katà Tùvvĵoov Tupádvvovs pičorouńoas? kal tàs 2 módes éÀevhepóoas eis Thv ovppayiav nposeðééaro. z bd 3 A K N c 2 2 5 kypú£avros &’ aùroô kara rùv ‘Eàdõa Sıórı Lvpa- kóoiot Õðóacı yæpav kal oiklas Toîs Boviouévois peréyew tis v Xvupakoúocais moùrelas moddol ` A À + “EAÀ 3 7 x À k Tpos Tv kàņpovyiav yves anývryoav: tréàos ĝè 3 Z oikNTopes anmeðeiyhyoav eis èv rùåv Evpakociav
1 éĝavárwce Reiske : Pape. 2 So Herwerden : pitodoyýoas. a a a a 1 “ Freedom ” in Greek political terminology did not ex- clude the possibility of an overlord, Carthage or Syracuse. Plutarch, Timoleon, 34. 1, does not mention this feature of the treaty. ? Diodorus usually calls this river Halycus (Books 15. 17. 5; 23.9.5; 24. 1. 8). 66
BOOK XVI. 82. 3-5
with twelve corsairs, and had put in at Syracuse as 839/8 B.C.
a friendly city. He received the new settlers sent out by the Corinthians kindly, to the number of five thousand. Then, when the Carthaginians sent en- voys and pleaded with him urgently, he granted them peace on the terms that all the Greek cities should be free,! that the river Lycus ? should be the boundary of their respective territories, and that the Carthaginians might not give aid to the tyrants who were at war with Syracuse.
After this, he concluded his war with Hicetas and put him to death, and then attacked the Campa- nians in Aetna and wiped them out.t Likewise he overbore Nicodemus, tyrant of Centuripae, and ousted him from that city ; and putting an end to the tyranny of Apolloniades in Agyrium ë he gave Syracusan citizenship to its freed inhabitants. In a word, all of the tyrants throughout the island were uprooted and the cities were set free and taken into his alliance. He made proclamation in Greece that the Syracusans would give land and houses to those who wished to come and share in their state, and many Greeks came to receive their allotments.’ Ultimately forty thousand settlers were assigned to
3 Plutarch, Timoleon, 31. 2-32. 1. Since Timoleon had just accepted the aid of Hicetas against the Carthaginians (chap. 77. 5), this change of policy suggests some duplicity on his part (Westlake, Timoleon and his Relations with Tyrants, 15 f.).
4 This is not mentioned by Plutarch.
5 This was Diodorus’s own native city.
€ Plutarch, Timoleon, 22. 3-5; 23 (where the invitation was issued when Timoleon first became master of Syracuse) ; 35. According to the historian Athanis, quoted by Plutarch (Timoleon, 23. 4; Jacoby, Fragm. der gr. Hist. no. 562, F 2), there were 60,000 who came. Cp. further Book 19. 2, 8.
67
6
~-
[Xo]
DIODORUS OF SICILY
Tv dðiaiperov’ Terpakıopúpiot, cis è Tiy °’ Ayvpi- vaiav uúpior ià TÒ uéyelos kai kdos Ts xwpas.
Eùôù Sè kat roùs mpoïürdpyovrasşs võőuovs év raîs Zvpakovocais, oùs ovvéypae Airokàñs, ğwphwoe. Kal Toùs èv nepil TÕv iiwrikðr? ovufoàaiwv À kàņpovopðv etagev dueralérovs, roùs è mepi TÕv Õnuociwv vevouobernuévovs mps Tv ðiav úróoraow ws mor éðóke ovupépew cwphwoev. emorádrys © fv kal eopflwrýs rs vopobecias Kéġados ó Kopivbios, avůp êv maiðeig kai ovvéoer Òcdofacuévos. dmo è roúrwv yevóuevos ToÙS uèv Acovrivous eis Dvuparovocas perøkioev, ceis È TÀV Kapapıvaíav oikýropas mpoobeis ènnúfeoce rùův TAW.
83. Kaĝfóov è mávra Tà karà tùv Pureàlav cipnpvikôs karaorýoas èroiņoe tràs móàes TayÒ Àafpeiv moààùv aùŭénow mpòs eùĝaruoviav. èk mod- Àoô yàp xpõvov ıd TAs ordoeis kal roùs êuhvàiovs moàépovsy ért è TÒ mAÑlos rv èravorauévæv aiet Tupávvwv at uèv móàes pno TÕV oiknró- pov Ñoav, ai Òè ypa cià Tv apyiav èénypiwvro kal kaprõv uépwv dopo kaberorýreisav: rére Ôe õrà rò mÀÑlos rÔv émmodaodvrwv olkyrtTópwv kal ĝa Tùv movypóviov èmiyeyevnuévny eipńvnv éénuephbnoav raîs èpyaciais kal moààoùs ral mavroðamoùs ééńveykav kaproús. roúrovs ð oi ikera Avorredðs mirnpáorkovres Toîs eumőpois Taxù mpocavéðpauov raîs oùciais.
Toiyapoðv ià rùv èk troúrwv eùropiav modàà
1 See SIG”, 141. 10 åiapérov sc. yæpas.
; k ibwrirâv Wesseling, cp. chap. 70. 5: Biwrâv PXR, biw F. 3? So Stephanus : čropor. 68
BOOK XVI. 82. 5—83. 2
the vacant land of Syracuse and ten thousand to that 339/8 s.o.
of Agyrium, because of its extent and quality.
At this time, also, Timoleon revised the existing laws of Syracuse, which Diocles had composed.t Those concerning private contracts and inheritance he allowed to remain unaltered, but he amended those concerned with public affairs in whatever way seemed advantageous to his own concept. Chairman and director of this legislative programme waş Cephalus the Corinthian, a man distinguished for education and intelligence. When his hands were free of this matter, Timoleon transferred the people of Leontini to Syracuse, but sent additional settlers to Camarina and enlarged the city.
83. So, having established peaceful conditions everywhere throughout Sicily, he caused the cities to experience a vast growth of prosperity.? For many years, because of domestic troubles and border wars, and still more because of the numbers of tyrants who kept constantly appearing, the cities had become destitute of inhabitants and the. open country had become a wilderness for lack of cultivation, producing no useful crops. But now new settlers streamed into the land in great numbers, and as a long period of peace set in, the fields were reclaimed for cultivation and bore abundant crops of all sorts. These the Siceliot Greeks sold to merchants at good prices and rapidly increased their wealth.
It was by reason of the funds so acquired that many
1 Cp. Book 13. 33 and 35.
2 Nepos, Timoleon, 3. 1-2. These observations are prob- ably Diodorus’s own, based on his personal experience and knowledge. Note the reference to his city, Agyrium, in chap. 83. 3. Kokalos, 4 (1958) is devoted exclusively to articles concerned with the effect of Timoleon on Sicily.
69
DIODORUS OF SICILY
kat ueyda kareokevádoðny kar èkelvovs rToùs xpóvovs dvaðńuarta, v èv raîs Xvpakoðosais ð katà thv Nĝoov olkos ò éénkovrárkàwos ðvouačó- evos, TÕV kaŭTtà Thv Xukeàiav épywv vnmepaipwv TÔ peyélet kai TÅ) karaokevj, ôv kateokeģace èv ’Ayabokàñjs ó Svvdorns, ða è rò ßBdápos rv épyav únepaipwv toùs TÕv Îeðv vaoùs émionuacias éruyev Ýro roô ðaruoviov kepavvwbeis, ol Te Tapà Tòv rpòv péva múpyot, tràs pèv èmiypahàs éyovres eÉ érepoyevðv ÀAlbwv, onpaivovres! è Tv TOÔ karackeváoavros aùrTovùs Tmpoonyopiav Aya- Qokàćovs, óuoíws è Toúrois pikpòv ÜorTepov ÚT ‘Tépwvos roô Pacıiàéws tó Te karà tùův àyopàv Oàvumeîov kal ò mànoiov toô Bedrpov Pwués, Tò pėv pikos ©v oraðiov, rò © üpos kal mÀdros ëxav TOÚTW KATA Àðyov.
Ev è raîs èddrrooi móàcow, èv afs ý TÕV 'Ayvpwaiwv karapiðpeîrar, peraoyoðoa Ts rére kàņpovyíaşs cà Tùv nmpoepnuévyv ék trÔv kaprôv eùropiav, Oéarpov pèv kareokeúace metrà TÒ TÔV Zupakosiwv kdàNorov trÕv karà Pıkeàlav, Îeô®v re vaoùs kal Bovàevrýpiov kal ayopáv, čri Šè múpywv dioàdyovs karacrkevàs kal tráhovs? mupa- pw ToÀðv kal peydàwv Siadópwv raîs ido- TEXVÍOLS.
84. Em’ apxyovros & ° Abúývyori Xapavõov tÅv Üra- Tov apxv Òeðétavro Aeúkios Aluios kal T dios Màóreos. emi è roúrwv Di\rnos ó Baoideùs rovs mÀeiorovs rv ‘EMývwv eis pilav mponyuévos
1 So MSS. : oņnpawoúsas Fischer. 2 <karà>) rahovs Madvig.
1 This was a large banqueting hall. Cp. the tent of one
7O
BOOK XVI. 83. 2—84. 1
large constructions were completed in that period. There was, first, the structure in Syracuse on the Island called the “ Hall of the Sixty Couches,” which surpassed all the other buildings of Sicily in size and grandeur.! This was built by Agathocles the despot, and since, in its pretentiousness, it went beyond the temples of the gods, so it received a mark of Heaven’s displeasure in being struck by lightning. Then there were the towers along the shore of the Little Harbour with their mosaic inscriptions of varicoloured stones, proclaiming the name of their founder, Agathocles. Comparable to these but a little later, in the time of Hiero the king, there was built the Olympieium in the market and the altar beside the theatre, a stade in length and proportionally high and broad.?
Among the lesser cities is to be reckoned Agyrium, but since it shared in the increase of settlers due to this agricultural prosperity, it built the finest theatre in Sicily after that of Syracuse, together with temples of the gods, a council chamber, and a market. There were also memorable towers, as well as pyramidal monuments of architectural distinction marking graves, many and great.
84. When Charondes was archon at Athens, Lucius Aemilius and Gaius Plautius succeeded to the con- sulship.* In this year, Philip the king, having won most of the Greeks over to friendship with him, was
hundred couches employed by Alexander the Great (Book 17. 16. 4).
2 These monuments are mentioned by Cicero, In Verrem, 2, 4. 53.
3 Chaerondes was archon at Athens from July 338 to June 337 s.c. The consuls of 341 s.c. were L. Aemilius Mamercinus Privernas and C. Plautius Venno (Broughton, 1. 134).
71
339/8 Bc.
338/7 E.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY BOOK XVI. 84. 1-5 ambitious to gain the uncontested leadership of Greece 338/7 s.c.
ediàotiueîro rai roùs 'Abnvalovs kararànédpe- by terrifying the Athenians into submission.! There-
2 vos ÅÕNpiTOV ËE TYV hyepoviav TIS ‘“Eàdôos. ô-
ónep dhpvw karaùaßópevos Eàdrerav móùw kal tàs Õuvdueis eis raúrņnv alpoicas iéyvw modeueîv roîs `Alnvaiois. damapackeúwv © övrwv aùrðv òà Tv ovvreleruévny eiphvnv Amie paðiws mepi- morýoeohar rÅv vikyv' nep kal ovvereàéolny. karta- àņnpleions yàp tris 'Edareias kóv tives vukrTòs amayyéddovrtes Tv kardànpv Tis móàews kal Šiórt Trayéws héer Diirros perà rs Õuvduews els TÙV 3’ Arrikýv. oi è orparņnyoit TÕv `Alnvaiwv õa TÒ mapáðokov TIS MPÉČEWS KATAMÀAYÉVTES TOÚS TE CAÀTLKTAS HETENÉUTOVTO kat onuaivew nmpooérarT- Tov Òe ANS TiS vukrós.
Ths è puns cis mâsav olkiav ĝiaðobeions ý pèv mós ophù Sià rov póßov fv, ó Sè fuos dras åp pép ovvéðpapev eis Tò Îéarpov mpò roô ovy- 4 kaàéoat Toùs dpyxovras ws v člos. œs © Ñkov ot ortparņyot kal tTòv unvúcavra nmapĵyov kákeivos cÎrev, ouwrmù pèv kat pófos kareîye rò Oéarpov kal rÕv elwhórwv nunyopeîv oùðeis róa cvußov- Acosar: nmÀcováris Ñ To kýpvkos kaňécavros Toùs époðvras ónèp rs kows owrnpias oùðeis maphet 5 oúußovàos. dmropias oĝv peyádàns oŭons kal kara- mÀhécws anéBdere rò màñbos èri rov Anuochévnv. ó è karapàs* kai ròv õñuov mapakaàésas bappeiv danepaivero ev mapaypiua mpéoßeis drmooréàdew
2 So codd. ; ó &’ dvaßàs Wesseling.
1 Continued from chap. 77. 3. These events are briefly noted in Justin, 9. 3.
2 This is consistent with Diodorus’s statement in chap. 77. 72
fore he suddenly seized the city of Elateia, concen- trated his forces there and adopted a policy of war with Athens. He expected to have no trouble in defeating them, since their reliance on the existing peace treaty ? made them unprepared for hostilities ; and that is how it worked out. For after Elateia had been occupied, persons came at night to Athens re- porting the occupation and stating that Philip would march immediately into Attica with his army.’ Taken aback by this unexpected development, the Athenian generals summoned the trumpeters and ordered them to keep blowing the alarm signal the whole night through.
The news spread into every household and the city was tense with terror, and at dawn the whole people flocked to the theatre even before the archons had made their customary proclamation. When the gen- erals came and introduced the messenger and he had told his story, silence and terror gripped the assembly and none of the usual speakers dared propose a course of action. Again and again the herald called for someone to speak for the common safety, but no one came forward with a proposal. In utter perplexity and dismay, the crowd kept their eyes on Demos- thenes. Finally he came down from his seat, and bidding the people take heart gave it as his opinion that they must straightway send envoys to Thebes
3, that peace was concluded on the abandonment of the siege of Byzantium. Actually, the situation seems to haye been just the reverse : Athens denounced the Peace of Philocrates at that time.
3 This narrative follows and must ultimately derive from Demosthenes, 18 (De Corona) 169-178.
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DIODORUS OF SICILY
eis tàs Oýßas kai maparadeîv roùòs Borwroùs kow rov Úrèp ris ¿ňevhepias ayôva ribeobar: mpòs yàp Toùs äÀdovs ovpuáyovs ó kaipòs où ovveyæpet néunew npeoßeias mepi rìs ovupayias’ èv huépais yàp vol mpocðókiuos v ó Paoideds éew eis rhv Arriciv kal ris óðorropias oŭons Sià ris Bou- wrias ) mapà tõv Borwrôv ovupayia uóvy kar- edeimero, pavepoô y övros öre rros, pios av kal oúppayos Borwroîs, roúrovs év mapóðw mepdoerat mapadaßeîv eis ròv kar ’Abnvaiwv móàepov.
85. To è Õýpov ròv Àóyov droðečauévov rai TOÔ mept TÅS mpeofeias ynpiouaros órò Anuoobé- vous ypaßévros ó èv fuos túre ròv vvarøra- Tov eineùv: ó è Aypoohévns ónýkovoe mpobúpws mpos Tv xpeiav. réàos © ééws mpeoßeúoas kal meioas êravñàbev eis tàs Alvas.
O è ĝuos tÅ rôv Borwrôv ovuuayíą ðt- mÀacidoas Tùv mpoŭündápyovoav ývauıv aveldppnoe 2 raîs éùriow. eùhù Sè kai OTPATNYOÙS kaTÉOTNOE TOoÙS mepi Xdpnra kal AvowÀéa kal TAVÒNLEL HETA TrÕv őnÀàwv efénewpe roù orparuóras els TÙV Bowwriav. tõv è véwv åndvræv npobúpws els tóv ayðva kaTavTávTwv oÔTot uèv KkarTà OTOVÒNV óðorropýoavres kov eis Xarpõverav Tts Borwrias’ oi ĝe Borwroi Bavudoavres tv ŝčúryra TS TÕV '’Abnvaiwv mapovolas ral aùrol onovòńs oùðėv EÀÀeimovres darývroav merà tÂv drìwv kai kowĵ) oTparoneðevoavres Ýnéuevov tùy TÕvV moňepiwv 3 éġoðov. Pirros è rò pèv nmpõrov ééémeupev emi rò kowòv rôv Borwwrôv mpéoßeis, ôv fv em-
1 y editors: $’. T4
BOOK XVI. 84. 5—85. 3
and invite the Boeotians to join them to make a 838/7 s.c.
struggle for freedom. There was no time to send envoys to their other allies t invoking the treaties of alliance, since in two days the king could be expected to enter Attica. As his way led through Boeotia, the support of the Boeotians was their only recourse, especially since Philip was at that time the friend and ally of the Boeotians and would evidently try to take them along as he marched past to the war against Athens.
85. When the people accepted the proposal and the decree authorizing the embassy had been drafted by Demosthenes, they turned to the search for their most eloquent representative. Demosthenes wil- lingly answered the call to service. He carried out the mission vigorously and returned to Athens at last having secured the adhesion of the Thebans.
Now that they had doubled their existing armed forces by the Boeotian alliance, the Athenians re- covered their confidence. At once they designated Chares and Lysicles as generals and sent forth their entire army under arms into Boeotia. All their youth reported eager for battle and advanced with forced marches as far as Chaeroneia in Boeotia. Impressed by the promptness of the Athenian arrival and them- selves no less ready to act decisively, the Boeotians joined them with their weapons and, brigaded to- gether, all awaited the approach of the enemy. Philip’s first move was to send envoys to the Boeotian
1 These are listed by Demosthenes (De Corona, 237) as Euboea, Achaia, Corinth, Megara, Leucas, and „Corcyra. Aeschines (In Ctesiphontem, 97) mentions Acarnania also.
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DIODORUS OF SICILY
pavéoraros lóĝwv. oros yàp Sraßeßonuévos èri T To Aðyov ewóryre ral ovykpibeis mapà rToîs Borwroîs kara Tùv mepi ris ovupayias õņnunyopiav npòs Anuoohévyv trv èv dààwv ènpórevoev, Tov-
4rov è pávy kraraĝeéorepos. ral ò Anuochévns Òe aùròs æs uéya rı kaTeipyaopévos èv roîs ovy- yeypaupévois Úr aùroð Àóyois oeuvúverat TÍ) Tpòs Tòv propa roôrov ðnunyopig èv oîs àéyei, Tér eyo piv TÔ Húhwvie Opacvvouévw ral moààĝ péovri kab’ óuðv où% Úneyópnoa.
5 Merà è rað? ó Dirros arorvyaw ris tv Borwrõv ovupayias oùĝèv rrov ëkpive mpòs àu- porépovs ðiaywvioaoðar: Sò kal mposavaueivas Toùs åpvorepoðvras trÕv ovuudywv kev eis Tù Borwriav, éywv meboùs èv màciovs trÔv Tpiopv-
6 piwv, inmeîs ĝè oùx EÀarrov rôv Õioyiàlwv. dugo- TEpwv è mpòs TÅv uáxyv eùrperĝv yevopévwv Toîs pèv ppovýuacı kal raîs mpobvuiais, ërie è rtaîs avõpayalbiais êpdurààor kaleiorýkercav, T è mÀń-
e kal r katrà tv ortparnyiav per mpoeîyev
7 ò Baoideús. moňààs yàp kai moikidas maparáéeis
Ņywvioévos kal èv raîs mÀeiorais páyais vevi-
knkòs peydànv elyev èumerpiav rÕv katà móňcuov
épyœv. mapà şè roîŭs `Afnvaiois oi uèv ayaĝła-
Tatort TÕV orparnyðv èrereevrýkeirav, Idikpárns
kai Xappias, ére è Tiuóheos, rõv È órodeder-
pévwv Xdpns mpwreúwv oùðèv õiépepe trôv rvyóv-
TWV ÖLWTÕV KATÀ TÅV Èv TÔ orparnyeîv èvépyerav
kal Bovàńv.
1 The famous orator, a native of Byzantium, had long been
76
BOOK XVI. 85. 3-7
League, the most eminent of whom was Pytho.! He 338/7 s.c.
was celebrated for his eloquence, but judged by the Boeotians in this contest for their allegiance against Demosthenes, he surpassed all the other speakers, to be sure, but was clearly inferior to him. And Demosthenes himself in his speeches parades his success against this orator as a great accomplish- ment, where he says : “ I did not then give ground before Pytho in spite of his confidence and his torrent of words against you.” ?
So Philip failed to.get the support of the Boeotians, but nevertheless decided to fight both of the allies together. He waited for the last of his laggard con- federates to arrive, and then marched into Boeotia. His forces came to more than thirty thousand infantry and no less than two thousand cavalry. Both sides were on edge for the battle, high-spirited and eager, and were well matched in courage, but the king had the advantage in numbers and in generalship. He had fought many battles of different sorts and had been victorious in most cases, so that he had a wide experience in military operations. On the Athenian side, the best of their generals were dead—Iphicrates, Chabrias, and Timotheüs too—and the best of those who were left, Chares, was no better than any average soldier in the energy and discretion required of a commander.? in the service of Philip. Strabo (9. 2. 37) states that the Corinthians also sent troops.
2 Demosthenes (De Corona, 136) refers to an earlier en- counter between the two, which took place in Athens in 343 B.C. ; cp. also De Halonneso, 20.
3 Diodorus writes disparagingly of Chares also in Book 15. 95. 3. Here he has much compressed the narrative, since ten or eleven months elapsed between the occupation of Elateia and the battle of Chaeroneia.
TT
DIODORUS OF SICILY
86. "Apa Ò épa TÕv ðvvduewv ktaTTouévwv ó pèv Paciàcùs rov viov ` Aàétavôpov, dvrinmatða rv hÀikiav vra, ĉidônàov è rhv avõpeiav kat Tùv oéúrņnra Ts évepyeias čyovra, katéornoev èm drepov TÕvV kepátrwv, TApPaKaATAOTHOAS QAÙTÔ TÔV hyeuóvwv roùs drodoywrdarovs' aùros è roùs émi- Àékrovs éywv meb éavroô rv hyeuoviav eye toô érépov pépovs kal TAS karà uépos tdéeis oikelws 2 Tots mapoðot kaipoîs iekódounoev. oi &’ ’Abnvator kar’ ébvos Tùv Õiaipeow Ts Tádéews nmomoduevot tToîs èv Borwroîs rò črepov uépos mapéðwrav, aùrol è roô Aoro TÅv hyepoviav eÎyov. yevo- pévns ðè udyxns kaprepõs mè moàùv ypóvov kal TOAAÔV mirTOVTWV Tap auporépois péypt pév Tiwos ó ayæv audiðofovuévas eye tràs èàriðas ris virns.
Mera è rara roô Adeédvõpov didotiuovuévov TÖ marpi Tùv ilav dvôpayaliav èvõeifachai kal piàotipias únmeppoàv oùk damodeimovros, ópoiws Sè kal mov aùr ovvayæwvitopévuv dvëpôv ayaĵððv mpõðros Tò ovvexès ris Tv modeuiwv Tdģcews ëppnée kal moods karaßaàðv kareróve 4 roùs kaf’ aúròv terayuévovs. rò &' aùrò kal rôv TApaoTaATÕV AŬT ToadvTrwv TÒ ovveyès alel rhs Tdécws mapeppýyvvro. mov Šè owpevouévwv vekpõv ot mepi Tov ° AàéÉavðpov mpôrToL Peacdpevor Toùs kaf’ aúroùs èrpébavro. perà è raôra kal ó Paoideùs aùròs mpokivðuveðwv kal ris viens rhv emypapiv oùð’ aùr® mapaywpõv ’Adegdvõpw rò pèv mpõTov eféwoe ti Pig roùs åvrirerayuévovs,
1 According to Plutarch, Camillus, 19. 5, this was the 9th of Metageitnion, the second month of the Attic year, which
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BOOK XVI. 86. 1—4
86. The armies deployed t at dawn, and the king 33s/7 e.c.
stationed his son Alexander, young in age but noted for his valour and swiftness of action, on one wing, placing beside him his most seasoned generals, while he himself at the head of picked men exercised the command over the other; individual units were stationed where the occasion required.? On the other side, dividing the line according to nationality, the Athenians assigned one wing to the Boeotians and kept command of the other themselves. Once joined, the battle was hotly contested for a long time and many fell on both sides, so that for a while the struggle permitted hopes of victory to both.
Then Alexander, his heart set on showing his father his prowess and yielding to none in will to win, ably seconded by his men, first succeeded in rupturing the solid front of the enemy line and striking down many he bore heavily on the troops opposite him. As the same success was won by his companions, gaps in the front were constantly opened. Corpses piled up, until finally Alexander forced his way through the line and put his opponents to flight. Then the king also in person advanced, well in front and not conceding credit for the victory even to Alexander ; he first forced back the troops stationed
began after the summer solstice; so perhaps 4th August, since a new moon was visible at Athens on 27th July.
2 Diodorus’s account of the battle is vague, and much is uncertain in the reconstruction of events from scattered and partial references. It seems certain that Philip, on the Mace- donian right, did not engage the Athenians until the Thebans, on the allied right, had been shattered by Alexander. Since, in his later battles, Alexander normally commanded the cavalry guard on his own right, Philip here must have oceu- pied the traditional position of the Macedonian king. But Diodorus does not say who these * picked men ” were.
T9
DIODORUS OF SICILY
z ` ` 2 r pa ? l4 éneITa ÒE kal QEÚyELV OCUVAVAYKACAS QALTLOS ÈYÉVETO “~ lA ~ ? 2 + y bi ka ~ 5 ris vikys. tv © 'Alyvaiwv énmeoov èv èv TÅ la À z. ~ AÚ e > ? À 2 uaxn màciovs TÕv yiÀiwv, Awoav Ò oùk éÀdTTOoVS m~ t m~ ~ 6 rÕv ðıoyiÀlwv. óuoiws è kat rv BorwrÊv moddol ` 2 t j ? 3) 7 2 2 2 ` uev avņnpébnoav, oùk òàiyor Ò ewyphðnoav. perà ` ~ òè ryv páxyv ó Diinrros tpórmarov orýocas kal Toùs vekpoùs eis Tadùv ovyywpýoas mwikia Toîs a 7 ` Qcoîs éhvoe ral troùs dvòðpayalńýoavras kara Tùv daġiav èriunoev. L [A e ` ` ` 2 87. Aéyovot Òé Tives ÔTL Kal MAPA TÖV TMÖTOV AÙ 3 2 E ` hI ~ , moàùv éupopnoduevos dkparov kat perà tTÕv piàwv ` 2 [d m~ “~ TÒv êmwikiov dywv kÕpov tà uécwv TÕV aiypaàð- 3 la ’ ~ Twv ßBdòGev ÝPpibwrv dia Adywv ràs rÕv akànpovv- li Twæwv Õvorvyías. Aņudðnv è ròv pýropa kar 3 a hi A ékeîvov TÒv kaipòv év Toîs aiypawbTois övra xph- + cachłat mappnoig kai Àdyov anophéyéacðaıi vvd- >” a ` a pevov dvaoreîÀatr Tùv toô Baocidéws doéàyerav. ` A 3 A kd È A “~ 2 2 paci yàp eireiv aùróv, Baciàeô, rs rúyns cot l4 l4 mepibeions npóowrov `Ayauéuvovos aùròs oùk kd 2 lA s ’ A X + aioxúvy mpaTTwv épya OQepoirov; ròv è Pirrov m la ? J4 a TÅ Ts êmnmÀýécws evoroyiq kwhévra rocoôro a ` < lA peraßpadeîv rv óànv Sidheow ðore Toùs uèv ore- ’ > m hI 4 M pdvovs aroppipar, rà è ovvakoàovlhoðvra karà 4 m~ 2 ~ e TOv kÕuov oúußoa tis ùßpews arorpjacðar, Tov d a hj 2 ~ © dvõpa ròv ypnoduevov ti mappnoiq Bavudoa e A 1 Plutarch, Demosthenes, 20. 3, tells of Philip’s revelling
and reciting the beginning of the decree introduced by his 80
BOOK XVI. 86. 4—87. 2
before him and then by compelling them to flee be- 338/7 s.c.
came the man responsible for the victory. More than a thousand Athenians fell in the battle and no less than two thousand were captured. Likewise, many of the Boeotians were killed and not a few taken prisoners. After the battle Philip raised a trophy of victory, yielded the dead for burial, gave sacrifices to the gods for victory, and rewarded according to their deserts those of his men who had distinguished themselves. :
87. The story is told that in the drinking after dinner Philip downed a large amount of unmixed wine and forming with his friends a comus in celebra- tion of the victory paraded through the midst of his captives, jeering all the time at the misfortunes of the luckless men.!? Now Demades, the orator, who was then one of the captives, spoke out boldly ? and made a remark able to curb the king’s disgusting exhibition. He is said to have remarked : “ O King, when Fortune has cast you in the rôle of Agamemnon, are you not ashamed to act the part of Thersites ? ” Stung by this well-aimed shaft of rebuke, Philip altered his whole demeanour completely. He cast off his garland, brushed aside the symbols of pride that marked the comus, expressed admiration for the man who dared to speak so plainly, freed him from
rival as if it were verse :
“ Demosthenes, the son of Demosthenes, Paeanian, thus proposeth.”
Justin (9. 5. 1), in constrast, speaks of Philip as bearing his victory modestly. Cp. also Plutarch, Moralia, 715 c. See Addenda. ` ,
2 Philostratus (Vita Apollonii Tyanensis, T. 2) names Diogenes of Sinopê as the hero of this anecdote. Demades (Duod. Ann. 9-10) gives his own report of these events.
81
DIODORUS OF SICILY BOOK XVI. 87. z—88. 3
4 ~ kj lA Á] kal ts aiypaàwoias dmroàŭúcavra mpòs éavròv
b4 a + “A 3 avadaßetv èêvripws. réàos © úro roô Anpudðov
captivity and gave him a place in his own company 388/7 s.c. with every mark of honour. Addressed by Demades
kahbopànlévra raîs `Arrikaîs yápioi mávras dnro- Acat Troùs aiypaàwbrovs dvev Àŭórpwv, kaĝóàov ò’ danoléuevov Týv èk tis virņs únepnpaviav mpéoßes anooretàat mpòs ròv pov rv `Abnvaiwv kal ovvĝécłai mpos aùroùs ıàlav te xai cvupayiav, eis è ras Orfas dpovpàv èykaraorýosavra ovy- xwphoar rův ceiphvyv roîs Borwroîs.
88. Oi `Afnvaîoi perà rùův rrav Avoikàéovs pèv Toî orparnyoð Qávartov karéyvwoav Avkoŭpyov Ton pýropos Kkatnyophoavros ; oôros yàp TÕV TTE pnrópwv péyiorov čywv aćiwua kai weka uèv éTN Tàs mpooððovs Tis móňews ĝioikýoas èrawov- pévws piov È èbnkòs èr dperf) meppónrtov mrp- 2 raros v êv roîs Àðyois* karýyopos. yvoin © v Tis aÙroĵ TÙv èv roîs Àdyois déiav kai mrpiav èv oîs roô Avowàéovs karnyopôv Àéyer, ` Eorparń- yeis, © AŬoikàes, kal yiÀiwv èv moùrTÂv Tereiev- Tnkórwv, ĝioyiÀiwv © aiyuadóTtwv yeyovórwv, Tporaiov è karà Tis méàcws éornkóros, ris & ‘Eàdòos drdons ovàevovons, kal roúrwv åmáv- Twv yeyevnuévwv oo Ņyovuévov kat orparnyoôv- Tos Toàĝs iv kai Trò roô hÀiov pôs ópâv kral eis TÅ ayopàv uPdàdew, brópvypa yeyovæs aloyúvns kal oveiðovs TH maTpiðL.
"Irov Òé re ovvéßn yevéoðai karà rovs Úroke- pévovs ypővovs. kał ôv yàp kapòv ý mepi Tùv Xaipóverav yévero uáyņ, répa mapáračıs ovv- 82
with Attic charm, he ended by releasing all of the Athenian prisoners without ransom and, altogether abandoning the arrogance of victory, sent envoys to the people of Athens and concluded with them a treaty of friendship and alliance. With the Boeotian she con- cluded peace but maintained a garrison in Thebes.
88. After this defeat, the Athenians condemned to death the general Lysicles on the aecusation of Lycurgus, the orator. Lycurgus had the highest re- pute of the politicians of his time, and since he had won praise for his conduct of the city’s finances over a period of twelve ! years and lived in general a life renowned for rectitude, he proved to be a very stern prosecutor. One can judgé of his character and austerity in the passage in his accusation where he says: “ You were general, Lysicles. A thousand citizens have perished and two thousand were taken captive. A trophy stands over your city’s defeat, and all of Greece is enslaved. All of this happened under your leadership and command, and yet you dare to live and to look on the sun and even to intrude into the market, a living monument of our country’s shame and disgrace.”
There was an odd coincidence in the period under review. At the same time as the battle took place at Chaeroneia, another battle occurred in Italy on the
1 Diodorus has got ahead of himself. Lycurgus’s service as finance minister belongs to the years 338/7-327/6 B.C. (Kunst, Real-Encyclopädie, 13 (1921), 2448 f.). He was, how- ever, almost fifty years old at this time, and so a mature states- man.
1 èv toîs Àóyois deleted by Dindorf (cp. infra, § 2). 83
DIODORUS OF SICILY
lA ` bi kd + A 2 Z a e + ` e éory karà tiv Iraàiav ri aùr Nuépg kat wpq Sraroàepovvrwv pèv Tapavrivæv mpòs Aevkavoùs ovvaywvičouévov è roîs Tapavrivois °’ Apxiðduov
A [a z er t ` 3 hi toô Aakeĝaruoviwv Paoiéws, ôte ovvéßy kat aùTov 4 àvaipelijvar ròv ’Apxyíapov. oros pèv ov Ñp$e trôv Aakeðaruoviwv ër eikoot tpia, Thv òè Pa-
f ta s en GA Ga s 2? l
ciàciav Õiaðeéduevos ó viòs "Ayıs pev éry évvéa. 5 “Apa è roúrois mparropévois Tiuóbeos ó tis ʻH À [a m~ 3 A ĮI 2 1 o 3 À 7
pakàeias tis êv TÔ Ióvrw túpavvos éreñevrtnoe Svvaoreúoas éry mevrekaiðeka, Tv è Tvpavviða Sraeéduevos ó dðeàdòs Aiovýoios Ĥpéev érņ ðvot TÀCLW TÖV TPLÁKOVTA.
89. Emr apyovros È '`Abńvyot Ppvviyov ‘Po- paîoi karéorņnoav úrádrovs Trov Mádov Top- ~ ` 2 z t MRS. ` LS 2 kovârov kal Ilóràov Aékiov. émi è rtoútrwv Diirros ò Baoideùs meppovnuatiopévos T) mepit Xaipaverav viry kal tràs èmipaveoráras mécs karanenàņypévos èġiÀoriueîro yevéohat máons Tis
e
2 “Eàdõos hyeuwv. Siaðovs ðè Adyov órı Povera ` H 2 e ` A € AÀ $ d Ed
npòs Ilépoas úrèp rv ‘EdMvwv móňepov àpachaı
kal ÀAaßeîv map aùrõv ikas Úrèp tis eis Tà iepa
yevopévņs mapavouias iðiovs roùs “Ednvas rais
eùvolais norýoarTo' pidodpovoúuevos è mpòs åmav-
Tas Kal iðig kal kowi raîs móàcow anmehaivero 2 ~ m~
Boúàcoĝat Siadeyhñvar mepi rv ovupepóvrwv. t m~ m
3 ôiórep év Kopivôłw roô kowo ovveðpiov ovvayhév-
Tos Õiadeyleis mepi rod pòs Ilépoas moàépov kat d
peydàas éàriðas úrobeis mpoerpéßaro tToùs ovv-
a8 a battle has already been mentioned, chaps. 62. 4—
84
7
BOOK XVI. 88. 3—89. 3
same day and at the same hour between the people of 338/7 s.c.
Tarentum and the Lucanians.! In the service of Ta- rentum was Archidamus, the Lacedaemonian king, and it happened that he was himself killed. He had ruled the Lacedaemonians for twenty-three years ; his son Agis succeeded to the throne and ruled for nine years.?
At this time, also, Timotheüs the tyrant of Hera- cleia-Pontica died after having been in powėr for fifteen years. His brother Dionysius succeeded to the tyranny and ruled for thirty-two years.?
89. When Phrynichus was archon at Athens, the Romans installed as consuls Titus Manlius Torquatus and Publius Decius.* In this year King Philip, proudly conscious of his victory at Chaeroneia and seeing that he had dashed the confidence of the leading Greek cities, conceived of the ambition to become the leader of all Greece. He spread the word that he wanted to make war on the Persians in the Greeks’ behalf and to punish them for the profanation of the temples,* and this won for him the loyal support of the Greeks. He showed a kindly face to all in private and in public, and he represented to the cities that he wished to discuss with them matters of common advantage. A general congress was, accordingly, con- vened at Corinth. He spoke about the war against Persia and by raising great expectations won the
2 For Archidamus see chap. 63. 2; for Agis, Book 17. 63. 2-4.
3 See chap. 36. 3 and Book 20. 77. 1.
4 Phrynichus was archon at Athens from July 337 to June 336 s.c. The consuls of 340 s.c. were T. Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus and P. Decius Mus (Broughton, 1. 135).
5 Cp. Books 11. 29. 3 and 17. 72. 6. For the events at
Corinth cp. Justin, 9. 5. 1-2. 85
337/6 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
éõpovs eis mõàepov. Téàos è rõv ‘EMývwv édo- uévwv aùròv orparņnyòv aùrokpáropa tís “EAàdôos peydàas mapackevàs émoreîro mpòs Tv mi roùs Iépoas orpareiav. iardéas © ékdory móet Tò nhos trÕv ecis ovupayiav orparrwrõv èravijàbev cis Thv Mareõoviav.
Kai rà pèv mept Piùrrov év roúrois ĝv.
90.: Karà è rv Xixediav Tiuoàéwv ò Kopivbios dravra Ttoîs Bupakociois kal Toîs PukeMwTats katrwplwkðs redcúrnoe, oTrparnyýoas ETN ÔKTO. oi òè Dvparóoior peydàws aroðeðeyuévoi TÒv åvõpa Did Te Tv àperhv kat rò uéyebos TÕv eùepyeci®v peyañonperðs élapav aùròv kal kara tùv êkpopàv dabporobévros Tro mÀýÂovs róðe rò yýdiopa avņyó- pevoev ó Anuýrpios ôs v ueyaopwvóraros tv róre kypúkwv": épýhiora? ò pos? rÂv Xuvpako- ciwv Tiuoàéovra Tiıuawérov Kopivbiov róvõet 0d- mrtev èv ano diakociâv uvâv,* tiuâohar Sè els rov dmavra ypõvov dyævesot? povoikoîs ral immoîs kal yvuvikoîs, rı Toùs Tupdvvovs karaàýoas kal roùs Bappápovs kararoàeuńoas kal tàs ueyioras rõv ‘Ednvðwv nóewv dvoikicas? attios èyevýðn râs? éàevlepias Toîs IukeMwras.
lepi è roùs aùroùs kapoùs ’Apioßaptdvns pèv ereàeúrnoev Baciàeúoas ëT eikooi kal EŻ, thv
Sè Paoideiav Siaðegduevos Mibpiðdrns fpéev ër
1 ó Aņnuýrpios . . . rypýrwv inserted by Cobet, from Plu- tarch, Timoleon, 39. 3. 2 é&pýłora inserted by Fischer. 3 So P: Sĝpos cet.
4 Kopivłiov róvðe Cobet; Tipawérov viðv róvôe Fischer : tıuâv erovoiov (erýorov RIF) roôrov &è.
5 axooiâv uvâôv PX : Sıakociawv uvô cet.
€ So P: dyoveci X, ådyâôo cet.
86
BOOK XVI. 89. 3—90. 2
representatives over to war. The Greeks elected him 8337/6 s.c.
the general plenipotentiary of Greece, and he began accumulating supplies for the campaign. He pre- scribed the number of soldiers that each city should send for the joint effort, and then returned to Mace- donia.
This was the state of affairs as regards Philip.
90. In Sicily, Timoleon the Corinthian died ; he had put in order all the affairs of the Syracusans and the other Siceliot Greeks, and had been their general for eight years.! The Syracusans revered him greatly because of his ability and the extent of his services to them and gave him a magnificent funeral. As the body was borne out in the presence of all the people the following decree was proclaimed by that Deme- trius who had the most powerful voice of all the criers of his time? : “ The people of Syracuse have voted to bury this Timoleon son of Timaenetus, of Corinth, at a cost of two hundred minas, and to honour him to the end of time with musical, eques- trian, and gymnastic games, because he destroyed the tyrants, defeated the barbarians, and resettled the mightiest of Greek cities, and so became the author of freedom for the Greeks of Sicily.”
In this year, also, Ariobarzanes died after ruling for twenty-six years and Mithridates, succeeding him,
1 Continued from chap. 83.
2 Nepos, Timoleon, 5. 4. Plutarch, Timoleon, 39. 1-3, gives the same text of the decree except at the end, where instead of mentioning freedom, he has: “ he restored their laws to the Syracusans.” These threefold agones were the highest form of “ heroic ” honours; cp. C. Habicht, Gottmenschentum und griechische Städte (1956), p. 150.
7 åvoxíoas Dindorf: é&oxioas RF, oixýoas P, otxioas X. 8 So PX: rîs cet.
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DIODORUS OF SICILY
i 3S TO í ‘Pwpaîor Sè Tpòs A mévre mpos tToîs Tpidkovra. ‘Pwpaiot ðè mpòs Aa- tivovs kat Kauravoùs maparačádpevot mepi TAW Zoveocav évikņnoav kal rTÕv hrryÂévræwv mépos tís xøópas ageliovro. ò è karwplwkws Tù páxNv Mdàos ó ürmaros ebpidupevoev.
91. Er àpxovros Ò ’`Alúvyor Ivhodopov ‘Pa- paîoi èv karéornoav úndrovs Kówrov Ilóràov kal Tpépiov Aiuiàrov Mdueprov, oàvumiàs È nxen mpõóTN mpos Taîs ékaròv kat éka, kaĵ’ Ñv èvika 2 ordðiov Kàeóuavrıs Kàerrópios. èri è toúrwv Piirros ó Pacideds hyeuav rò rv “EdMývov kaleorauévos kal ròv mpos Ilépoas móàepov vory- oduevos “Arradov uèv kai Ilappeviwva mpoanré- oTeiàev cis Tùv °Aciav, uépos tÑs Svvápews oùs kal mpooráéas àcvÂepoðv ràs ‘Envias módes, aùròs è oreúðwv uèv perà tis rÔv Îeðv yvóuns eêmaveàéolat ròv mõdeuov ènņnpornoe rhv Ivbiav el kparýoet roô Baoiàéws rôv Iepoðv. ý & Expnoev aùT® Tóvðe Tov ypnouórv'
» ` e ~ s ? EA t + EOTETTAL éV 0 Tapos, yet TÉÀos, éorw ò Oúowv.
ʻO uèv oĝv Diùmmos okoùÂs ëyovros Toô ypr- apo mpòs TÒ iov ovupépov eeðéyero rò Àd- yiov, ÖS TOÔ pavrtelov mpoéyovros ròv Iéponv tepelov tpórov tvłýoeolar rò & áùņbès oùx oŭ- rws elyev, dÀdà Toùvavriov èoýpawev èv navņyúpe
1 This is the dynasty of Cius in Mysia which later provided the kings of Pontus. Cp. Books 15.90. 3 and note : 20. 111. 4.
2 Livy (8. 11. 11) states that the battle took place “ inter Sinuessam Minturnasque.” For the events see ‘Broughton, 1-135.
3 The archon’s name was Pythodelus, and his term ran
88
BOOK XVI. 90. 2—91. 3
ruled for thirty-five. The Romans were victorious in a battle against the Latins and Campanians in the vicinity of Suessa and annexed part of the territory of the vanquished. Manlius, the consul who had won the victory, celebrated a triumph.?
91. When Pythodorus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Quintus Publius and Ti- berius Aemilius Mamercus, and the one hundred and eleventh celebration of the Olympic Games took place, in which Cleomantis of Cleitor won the foot-race.3 In this year, King Philip, installed as leader by the Greeks, opened the war with Persia by sending into Asia as an advance party Attalus and Parmenion,’ assigning to them a part of his forces and ordering them to liberate the Greek cities, while he himself, wanting to enter upon the war with the gods’ ap- proval, asked the Pythia whether he would conquer the king of the Persians. She gave him the following response :
“ Wreathed is the bull. All is done. There is also the one who will smite him.” 5
Now Philip found this response ambiguous but accepted it in a sense favourable to himself, namely that the oracle foretold that the Persian would be slaughtered like a sacrificial victim. Actually, how- ever, it was not so, and it meant that Philip himself in the midst of a festival and holy sacrifices, like the
from July 336 to June 335 s.c. The Olympic Games were held in midsummer, 336. The consuls of 339 s.c. were Ti. Aemilius Mamercinus and Q. Publilius Philo (Broughton, 1. 137).
4 Continued from chap. 89. For these events cp. Justin, 9. 5. 8-9.
5 The oracle is cited in the same form by Pausanias, 8. 7. 6.
89
837/6 B.C.
336/5 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
kal bev Buciais ròv Diùrrov orep ròv rað- 4 pov èoteuuévov opayýocołair. où uùv dàÀà Sééas
ovupayetv aùr® Toùs Îeoùs mepiyaphs Åv os rhs
'’Acias rò Makeðóvas sopévys atyuaàórov.
Eùĝòùs ov Âvoias peyadonpereis èmeréàet Toîs Îeoîs kal ris Bvyarpòs Kàeordrpas rijs èé °Oìvp- midðos ovveréàei ydpovs kai raúrņnv ’Adeéávõpw ovvýórioe TÔ Pasie? rôv 'Hrepwrâv, defâ õè
5 övri yvnoiw ris `Oàvumidðos. dua õè raîs rôv eðv tipais Bovàóuevos ós màelorovs rôv ‘EAÀv- vwv ueraoyetv trs cùwxias ayðvás Te povoikoùs peyadormpenreîs roie kal \aunpàs éoridoeis tÔv
6 piwv kal éévwv. Sıórep eÉ ándons Ts “EAdõos perenéunero Toùs lioéévovs kal roîs éavroô idors maphyyeie mapañapßdvew rv ånò ris čévns yvwpipwv ós mÀeiorovs. opóðpa yàp éfioripeîro pıdoppoveîoĝaı mpòs roùs "Ednvas ral Sià! tàs Scõouévas aùr® rûs ĉàns ýyepovias tius raîs? nmpoonkovoais ópÀiais dueißeoba.
92. Tédos Sè moàðv mavrayólev mpòs TV mav- ýyvpv cvppeðvrwv kai trÕv åyóvav kral yápwv ovvreñovuévæwv èv Aiyéais rs Mareðovias où ud- vov kar’ dvõpa TÕv èmpavôv srepdvwoav aùròv xpvooîs orepdvois, dààà ral trôv déioàdywv ró- Acwv ai màeclovs, év afs v kai ) rôv ’Abnvaiwv.
2 davayopevouévov è roô orepávov roúrov Štà roô kýpukos Tò Teňeuraîov elrev, dv mis èmpovàeúoas Piàinny rÊ Paci? karapóyyn mpòs ’Abnvaiovs,
90
BOOK XVI. 91. 3—92. 2
bull, would be stabbed to death while decked with a 336/5 n.c.
garland. In any event, he thought that the gods supported him and was very happy to think that Asia would be made captive under the hands of the Mace- donians.
Straightway he set in motion plans for gorgeous sacrifices to the gods joined with the wedding of his daughter Cleopatra, whose mother was Olympias ; he had given her in marriage to Alexander king of Epirus, Olympias’s own brother? He wanted as many Greeks as possible to take part in the festivities in honour of the gods, and so planned brilliant musical contests and lavish banquets for his friends and guests. Out of all Greece he summoned his personal guest- friends and ordered the members of his court to bring along as many as they could of their acquaintances from abroad. He was determined to show himself to the Greeks as an amiable person and to respond to the honours conferred when he was appointed to the supreme command with appropriate entertainment.
92. So great numbers of people flocked together from all directions to the festival, and the games and the marriage were celebrated in Aegae in Macedonia. Not only did individual notables crown him with golden crowns but most of the important cities as well, and among them Athens. As this award was being announced by the herald, he ended with the declaration that if anyone plotted against King Philip and fled to Athens for refuge, he would be delivered
1 Justin, 9. 6. 1.
1 The usual idiom does not require this preposition with àpeißeoba.
2 raîşs added by Fischer (cp. Books 5. 73. 3; 17. 81. 2; 18. 8. 5 et passim).
9i
DIODORUS OF SICILY
m~ ` ~ mapaðócıuov eivat Torov. ià è TS aùrouarTi- #2 oúons puns ğorep belg Tivi mpovoig ĉieońýuawe ` ’ 4 3 lA ? b bù A D TÒ Õaruóviov Tùv êcouévnv èmipovàiv eùbùs TÔ Du- f > LA ` 2 U g t e 3 Àinnw. dkoàovbws è rovrois kal érepai tiwes wo- mep evledlovoat yévovro hwval mpoðnàodosai TÙv Toî Pacidéws katraorpodýv. E A a À m ld N Lg e v yap TÔ Pacidk® mórw Neorróàepos ò tpa- ywðós, npwreðwv ti peyañopwvigq kai rÑ ÔóEN, mpooráéavros dùTr® roô Diàimmov mpoevéykachar ~ li m~ TÕv ênmirerevyuévwv mTomudTwv kal uáùora TÕV avnkóvrwv npòs rv karà trÔv Ilepoðv orpareiav, ` m ò pèv Teyvirns Kpivas oikeîov únroàndlhocoĝhar Tò moina T Õiaßdoer roô Piinrov rai rùv eùðar- + 3 “~ l A ~ poviav emnÀĵéai Povàóuevos roô Ilepoðv Bacu- Àéws, kaimep oĝcav peydànv kal mepipónrov, rws peTanéoot ToT àv eis Toùbvavriov ÚTnÒ TIS TÚXNS, Nparto Aéyew róðe Tò monpa’
A A 3 + e L ghpoveîre võv aibépos úpmàsrepov kal peyáňwv meðiwv dpoŬpas,
afn? e z. ppoveið úrepßpadàóuevor óuwv čóuovs, adposúva mpócw ßiorav Tekuaipópevor.
ó © duppdàde. rayúrovr? Kkéàcvlov éprwr? okoriav, advw © àpavros mpocéßa
` > LA 3 lá arpas àhaipoðpevos eàriðas f Ovarðv* moúuoylos “Aðas,*
1 So L. A. Post: rnws peranéooir åv PX, ueranéoor norè R, petranéon nore F. 2 rayúnovv] rayýrovs Burges.
92
BOOK XVI. 92. 2—3
up.: The casual phrase seemed like an omen sent by 8336/5 s.c.
Providence to let Philip know that a plot was coming. There were other like words also spoken, seemingly divinely inspired, which forecast the king’s death.
At the state banquet, Philip ordered the actor Neoptolemus, matchless in the power of his voice and in his popularity, to present some well-received pieces, particularly such as bore on the Persian cam- paign. The artist thought that his piece would be taken as appropriate to Philip’s crossing and intended to rebuke the wealth of the Persian king, great and famous as it was, (suggesting) that it could some day be overturned by fortune. Here are the words that he first sang :
“ Your thoughts reach higher than the air ; You dream of wide fields’ cultivation. The homes you plan surpass the homes That men have known, but you do err, Guiding your life afar.
But one there is who'll catch the swift, Who goes a way obscured in gloom,
And sudden, unseen, overtakes And robs us of our distant hopes Death, mortals’ source of many woes.” ?
1 Such protective decrees were common (ep. Demosthenes, C. Aristocr. 95), the most famous being the decree of Aristo- crates proposed in honour of Cersobleptes in 353 s.c.
2 Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag.?, Adesp. 127 ; Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graec.? 3. 144-7145. The ode has been thought Aeschy- lean. Lines 8-9 are quoted, with slight grammatical change, by Philodemus, De Morte, col. 38. 12-14 (D. Bassi, Papiri Ercolanesi, 1; Milan, 1914).
3 épmwv Bücheler: čprw Pal. Vat., é... . P, al X, čpyæ cet. 4 So Reiske: Îavádrwv. 5 So Rhodoman : °Aŭsas.
93
DIODORUS OF SICILY
kat Tà ToÝrwv èdeéfjs mpocovveîpe, mávra Tps TÙùV 4 òpoiav hepõpeva ĉıdvorav. ó è Pirros ýobeis èri roîs dmqyyeàuévois dàos Ñv kal reàeiws pepd- pevos TÑ Õravoig mpos thv roô Iepoðv Baciàéws kataorpo$ýv, dpa è kal ròv mulóypnorov yp- opòv dveàoyikero, mapanànoiav ëyovra Ŝıdvorav Toîs mò TOÔ Tpaywot pnheîo..
Tédos è roô rmórov ĝiadvhévros kal rôv àyávwv katra Tùv vorepaiav tùv àpxùv Àaußavóvrwv rò pev mÀÑlos éri vuertòs oŭons ovvérpeyev eis Tò béa- Tpov, ua © ńuépg ris mouris ywopévns oòùv raîs ddas raîs peyadonperéot katraokevaîs el- wda rõv óðeka lev ènóuneve rais re nu- ovpyiais nEepTTÕS eipyaouéva kal tÑ Àaunpórnri TOÔ màovrov Îavuaorðs kekoopyuéva’ oùv Šè troù- Totis aùToÎ To Pidinrov tpiokaðékarov ènéureve Oeomperès edwàov, oúvôpovov éavròv åmoseikvývros toô Pacidéws roîs Sóðeka becoîs.
93. To è Bedrpov mànpwbévros aùròs é Oi- Àros Het Àevkòv ëywv iudriov kal TPOTTETAXWS toùs opvópovs parpàv åßeorôras ap éavroô ovvakoñovleiv: eveðeikvuro yàp nâow őri TNpov- pevos T kowh rõv ‘EdMývwv eùvoig tis tôv ŝopv- 2 pópwv udas oùk ëyet ypelav. Ttnàikaórns & oŭons mepi aùròv Ûrepoyñs kal mávræv ènrawoúv- Twv pa kai uakapıčóvrwv ròv čvěpa mapáðoos kat mavreàðs dvéàmoros è$dvy karà toô Paciàéws 3 êmpovàù) kal Odvaros. iva 8è oadùs ó mepi Tov- Twv yévnrar Àóyos, mpoekðyoóueða tràs alrias TS empovàñs.
Ilavoaviías v rò uèv yévos Mares®v èk TÕS
94
BOOK XVI. 92. 3—93. 3
He continued with the rest of the song, all of it deal- 336/5 s.c.
ing with the same theme. Philip was enchanted with the message and was completely occupied with the thought of the overthrow of the Persian king, for he remembered the Pythian oracle which bore the same meaning as the words quoted by the tragic actor.
Finally the drinking was over and the start of the games set for the following day. While it was still dark, the multitude of spectators hastened into the theatre and at sunrise the parade formed. Along with lavish display of every sort, Philip included in the procession statues of the twelve gods wrought with great artistry and adorned with a dazzling show of wealth to strike awe in the beholder, and along with these was conducted a thirteenth statue, suit- able for a god, that of Philip himself, so that the king exhibited himself enthroned among the twelve
ods.1 i 93. Every seat in the theatre was taken when Philip appeared wearing a white cloak, and by his express orders his bodyguard held away from him and followed only at a distance, since he wanted to show publicly that he was protected by the goodwill of all the Greeks, and had no need of a guard of spearmen.? Such was the pinnacle of success that he had attained, but as the praises and congratulations of all rang in his ears, suddenly without warning the plot against the king was revealed as death struck. We shall set forth the reasons for this in order that our story may be clear.
There was a Macedonian Pausanias who came of a
1 Cp. p. 101, note 3.
2 He walked between the two Alexanders, his son and his
son-in-law (Justin, 9. 6. 3-4), and so between those who had most reason to wish his death. 95
DIODORUS OF SICILY
A A ld ° Opeoriðos kadovpévns, roô è Paocidéws owparo- ` ~ / púňać kal ià rò kdààos pios yeyovæs roô Piir- E A a ! > , 4 mov. oros pôv úrò toô Pacidéws ayamwpevov A 2 m~ črepov Ilavoaviav ópovvpov éavr® ðveðioTikots ld 2 ld mpos aùròv èxpýoaro Àóyois, pýoas dvðpóyvvov s a A e + cîvai kal roùs rv Povàouévwv épwTas ETOipWS d e 4 A ? ~ t er 5 mpocðéyeoðar. ó è tův èk ris Aoðopias ÙBpw $ OÙK ÈVÉYKAS TÒ ÈV TMAPÒV KATECLWŐTNOEV, ÅTTÁÀAW m l ` “~ Sé rve TrÂv piwv èmikowwodpevos mepi TÖV ped- $ e ` Àsvræwv npárreclai ékovoiws kat mapaĝóéws éavròv ~ A~ 2 2) 7 A E ld 6 êk tob Gv ueréornoev. per òàiyas yap hpépas a , ` / 1l ` a > a roô Diàinmov mpòs Iàevpiar! rov rõv ’IAvpiðv ~ ld A Bacıàéa SiaywviCouévov mpò roô Paciéws oràs e $ ` 2 3 9 3 4 N 3 ld anácas tràs ġepopévas èr aùròv nÀnyas aveðégarTo TÔ iiw oúópaTtı kal perhàdačev.
7 Aaßonbeions Sè ris mpádćews ó èv ”Arrtados, eîs öv rÕv èé aùŭàñs kal moù Õvvauévav mapà TO BacıàeT, ékdàcoev èni òðcînmvov ròv Ilavoaviav kai moàùv eudopýoas àkparov mapéðwkev aŭro Tò oôpa rToîs òpewkóuois eis vppiwv kal mapowiav
2. ma m~ ~ 8 éraipikýv. ó è avavýas èk ris péðNs kal TÅ ToÔ oúparTos VBpet mepraàyhs yevóuevos To °’ ArTtTdÀov lA 3 A ke 4 e bi / karņnyópnoev mi roô Paciàéws. ó ðè Drros mapwtúóvðn èv èni r) mapavouig TÕS mpdéews, ià D Sè rùv mpos ”Arradov oikerótyTa kal TAV eiS TÒ mapòv aùroô ypeiav oùk èßoúàero poorovnpetv' 5 i € m 9 v yàp ò ”"Arrados ts èv êmiyaunleions yvvarikòs t This is perhaps a shortened form for the usual IMÀev- pârtov.
1 Justin, 9. 6. 4-8. The Orestis was a district in western Macedonia bordering on Illyria.
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BOOK XVI. 93. 3-9
family from the district Orestis.: He a was bodyguard 336/5 s.c.
of the king and was beloved by him because of his beauty. When he saw that the king was becoming enamoured of another Pausanias (a man of the same name as himself), he addressed him with abusive lan- guage, accusing him of being a hermaphrodite and prompt to accept the amorous advances of any who . wished. Unable to endure such an iņsult, the other kept silent for the time, but, after confiding to Attalus, one of his friends, what he proposed to do, he brought about his own death voluntarily and in a spectacular fashion. For a few days after this, as Philip was engaged in battle with Pleurias, king of the Illyrians,? Pausanias stepped in front of him and, receiving on his body all the blows directed at the king, so met his death.
The incident was widely discussed and Attalus, who was a member of the court circle and influential with the king, invited the first Pausanias to dinner and when he had plied him till drunk with unmixed wine, handed his unconscious body over to the mule- teers to abuse in drunken licentiousness. So he pre- sently recovered from his drunken stupor and, deeply resenting the outrage to his person, charged Attalus before the king with the outrage. Philip shared his anger at the barbarity of the act but did not wish to punish Attalus at that time because of their relation- ship, and because Attalus’s services were needed urgently. He was the nephew ? of the Cleopatra
2 This battle can hardly be identified, in view of the many wars fought by Philip against the Illyrians. The last one mentioned by Diodorus was in chap. 69. 7.
3 This is the usually stated relationship. In Book 17. 2. 3, Attalus is called Cleopatra’s brother, but otherwise, with more probability, her uncle.
VOL. VIII E 97
LA]
(5)
DIODORUS OF SICILY
úno roô Paoiéws Kàcordrpas dðeàdiðos, ml dè tis mpoaneoraàpévys Õuváuews eis Tw °`Aciav orparnyðs mpokeyeipiopévos, év Õè Toîs modepikoîs dyĝcw dvòpeîos. ıórmep ò Paocieùs mpaðvaı Bov- Aóuevos roô Ilavoaviov tv èmi T® nmáber yeyevn- Lévnv ðikaiav opyùv Õwpeds déioñðyovs dréveruev aùr kal kara tův cwpartopvàakiav mpofyev AÙTÒV ÈVTÍLWS..
94. “O è Ilavoavias dperdberov pvàdrrwv Tùv opyùv čomevõe uù uóvov mapà ToÔ mpdéavros Àa- Bev reuwpiav, dààà kal mapà To uù) Tiuwpotvros aùr®. covveneÀdfero è raúrns Ts mTpoarpéoews paora ó ocopior)s ‘Eppokpárys. roô yap Iav- gaviov cyoàdġovros aùT® kai karà tùv ĝiarpıfiv mvlouévov ms dv tıs yévorro êmihpavéorartos, ò cohior)s danekpiðy eè tròv tà uéyiora mpáćavra avéàor: TÑ yàp mept rovrov uvýuņ ovurepiàņngðý- oechat kat Tròv Tùv avaipeow aùroô momodpevov. dvevéyras ð mpòs Tův iav pyùňv ròv Àóyov kat õa ròv Îvpòv oùðeuiav ts yvõøuns úrépheow momodpevos v aùroîs Toîs Ýrokeruévois ayı TÙV EmPovàdy ovveoTýoaTo TOL®ÕE Tiv TpóTW. UTTOVS mapaornoápevos taîs mús maphàbe mpòs tràs els Tò Oéarpov eioððovs éywv kekpvupévyv Keàricùv udyaipav. Toî è Didimrmov roùs mapakoàovhoðv- ras þiñovs rkeàeúoavros mpoeroeàbeiv eis rò Oéarpov kal rÕv Õopvøópwv ðeoróøTtwv, ópðv rTòv Baosiàéa
21 These events cannot be dated exactly, but they must have occurred some years before the assassination of Philip, perhaps as early as 344 s.c. (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, p. 308).
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BOOK XVI. 93. 9—94. 3
whom the king had just married as a new wife and he 336/5 s.c.
had been selected as a general of the advanced force being sent into Asia, for he was a man valiant in battle. For these reasons, the king tried to mollify the righteous anger of Pausanias at his treatment, giving him substantial presents and advancing him in honour among the bodyguards.
94. Pausanias, nevertheless, nursed his wrath im- placably,* and yearned to avenge himself, not only on the one who had done him wrong, but also on the one who failed to avenge him. In this design he was encouraged especially by the sophist Hermocrates.? He was his pupil, and when he asked in the course of his instruction how one might become most famous, the sophist replied that it would be by killing the one who had accomplished most, for just as long as he was remembered, so long his slayer would be remembered also. Pausanias connected this saying with his private resentment, and admitting no delay in his plans be- cause of his grievance he determined to act under cover of the festival in the following manner. He posted horses at the gates of the city and came to the entrance of the theatre carrying a Celtic dagger under his cloak. When Philip directed his attending friends to precede him into the theatre, while the guards kept their distance, he saw that the king was
Pausanias waited a long time for his revenge, and it is curious that he chose the occasion most advantageous for Alexander. 2 No sophist Hermocrates is otherwise known at this time, but it may be possible to identify this man with the gram- marian of the same name who is best known to fame as the teacher of Callimachus. For the latter cp. F. Susemihl, Ge- schichte der griechischen Litteratur in der Alexandrinerzeit, 2 (1892), 668; O. Stählin, W. Schmid, W. von Christs Ge- schichte der griechischen Titteratur®, 2. 1 (1920), 126;
Funaioli, Real-Encyclopädie, 8 (1913), 887 f. 99
DIODORUS OF SICILY
` ~ m~ ueuovwpévov npooéðpape kal à TÕv mÀevpôv b ` Siavraiav èvéykas màņnyiv ròv èv Paciàéa vekpòv z ` e ećéreiwev, aùròs ©’ erl ras múdas Kal ToÙS Torua- [A ` A ~ z0 1 ¥ bù Aè ouévovs npòs Tv hvyhv ébeev* immovs. eùbus Òe tv owparohpvàdrwv ot èv mpòs TÒ cua TOÔ e t a, m~ Baoiàéws æpunoav, ot È émi ròv troô opayéws Srwyuòv eéeyóðnoav,” év oîs úmfpxov kail Aeóvvaros ` [d xy e hi la kal Ilepĝikkas kai ”"Arraàos. ò ðe Iavoavias ` la rA 3 A E hI e npoàaßov ris Cuwéews éphaocev àv émi rov immov dvanņðńoas, eè uù tis únmoðéoews mepi dpureóv tiva mepirÀakeions ëneoev. iómep ot mept TÒvV $ la A Iepõikkav karaàaßóvres aùròv èk Tis yis dviord- > a
pevov kal ovyrevroavrtes aveîàov. 95. Dirros èv ov péyioros yevópevos TÖV > e ` s RES, | la 3 lA [A ` $ A kaf’ éavròv èni ris Eùpónmns Paciéwv kal tà Tò uéyebos tris apxfs éavròv roîs ŝwðera eoîs ovv-
1 #0eev PX : ê&vébeev cet. ; ¿ĝe Dindorf. 2 ènexúðnoav PX.
1 The date of Philip’s death is discussed by K. J. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte, 3. 2 (1923), 59. The news had not reached Athens by the end of the civil year 337/6 B.c.; IG ii?. 1. 240 in the tenth prytany does not know of it. On the other hand, the time must be early in the summer, for Philip was busy with preparations for an invasion of Asia Minor. A possible clue to the date is furnished by the statement of Plutarch, Alexander, 16. 2, concerning the battle of the Gra- nicus: this would have taken place in the month Daesius, but as that was unlucky, Alexander ordered the intercalation of a second Artemisius. Since there is some evidence that the intercalary month was the last month of the regnal year, this establishes a certain presumption that Philip died and Alex- ander came to the throne in Daesius ; and this squares well enough with the evidence of the Attic inscription. Since Alexander died in Daesius, the Oxyrhynchus chronologist was correct in crediting him with thirteen years of reign. See below on Book 17. 117. 5, p. 467, note 1.
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BOOK XVI. 94. 3—95. 1
left alone, rushed at him, pierced him through hbis 336/5 s.c.
ribs, and stretched him out dead +; then ran for the gates and the horses which he had prepared for his flight. Immediately one group of the bodyguards hurried to the body of the king while the rest poured out in pursuit of the assassin ; among these last were Leonnatus and Perdiccas and Attalus.? Having a good start, Pausanias would have mounted his horse before they could catch him had he not caught his boot in a vine and fallen. As he was scrambling to his feet, Perdiccas and the rest came up with him and killed him with their javelins.
95. Such was the end of Philip, who had made him- self the greatest of the kings in Europe in his time, and because of the extent of his kingdom had made himself a throned companion of the twelve gods.°
2 This is presumably the son of Andromenes, who like Leonnatus and Perdiccas was a close friend and contemporary of Alexander ; probably they were his bodyguards and not Philip’s (the term may be used loosely ; Attalus was never one of Alexander’s seven or eight bodyguards proper in Asia, and Leonnatus not until 332/1, Perdiccas not until 330 ; Berve, Alexanderreich, 1. 27). Pausanias was from Orestis, and so were two of his slayers, while Attalus was Perdiccas’s brother-in-law. It is tempting to suppose that they knew of Pausanias’s plan and then killed him to silence him. U. Wilcken (SB Ak. Berlin, 1923, 151 ff.) would find in P. Ogy. 1798 evidence that Pausanias was tried and executed, but the text is fragmentary and obscure, and the theory is not, to my mind, supported by Justin 11. 2, 1.
3 The implication of this claim on Philip’s part was that he was in some fashion the equal of the Twelve and entitled like them to worship ; øoúvðpovos is an equivalent to oúvvaos. What precisely this meant to Philip and his contemporaries is unknown ; cp. Habicht, Gottmenschentum, 14, note 3 ; É; Cerfaux, J. Tondriau, Le Culte des souverains dans la civili- sation gréco-romaine (1956), 123-125.
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Opovov katapiðuýoas TOoLaŬTNs éTUXE TS ToÎ piov kataotpopis, äpéas é éT Tégoapa Tpos Toîs elkoar. 2 oke? ò’ oros ò Pacıiàcùs édayioras pè eis TÀ povapxíav aġopuas mapeiànpévar, ueyiornv òè TÕv Tap’ “Eqo povapxiðv kaqakrýoaoĝa, nèn- Kkévat ÕÈ TÙV ýyepoviav oÙ% OŬTW òia rìs év roîs ÖTÀotS dvðpayalías Ws Ša rs év Toîs Àóyois
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4 jrep èni TÅ kara ras páyas! dvðpeig: trÕv pèv yap karà Toùs dyÔvas karopfwuárwv peréyew dmavras Toùs oTpartevouévovs, TÖV è ta TS óuÀias yivopévwv èmirevyuátTwv aùtòv uóvov Àap- Pávew Tv èmypapýv.
5 ‘Hues ò eneh mápeopev èm TV Didirrov Teàcurýv, raúrnv uev tůýv PBiBàov aùroô mepiypdyo- pev KaTÀ Tùv êv apx mpólecw, ris © èyouévns àpxiv? Tv ` Adečdvõpov mapáànņpw TÎS Paoideias Togápevot Tepasópeða nmepiàaßeiv árdaoas aùroô tàs mpáčeis év uâ PiBàw.
1 udyas Reiske: ovppayias. 2 tv apxiv PX ; àpxĝs cet. Hertlein deleted rùv.
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BOOK XVI. 95. 1-5
He had ruled twenty-four years. He is known to 8386/5 s.c.
fame as one who with but the slenderest resources to support his claim to a throne won for himself the greatest empire in the Greek world, while the growth of his position was not due so much to his prowess in arms as to his adroitness and cordiality in diplomacy. Philip himself is said to have been prouder of his grasp of strategy and his diplomatic successes than of his valour in actual battle. Every member of his army shared in the successes which were won in the field but he alone got credit for victories won through negotiation.!
Now that we have come to the death of Philip, we shall conclude this book here according to our original statement.? Beginning the next one with Alexander’s accession as king we shall try to include all of his career in one book.
t Diodorus mentions none of the suspicion which attached to Olympias and Alexander concerning the assassination of Philip, and his judgement on Philip is more favourable than that of others. Cp. Justin, 9. 7-8, and for the suspicion,
Plutarch, Alexander, 9-10 ; Arrian, 3. 6. 5. 2 Stated in chap. 1. 1-3
103
BOOK XVII
Tõr Aroĝwpov Bóßàwv Ts énrakaĝekdrys eis úo Sınpnuévns Ñ MPOTN Tepiéyet TÕE
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Túpov mtoiopkia kat Aiyórtov Tapdàņyis kal mdp- oôos eis ”"Appwva To Bariàéws.
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2 kd 2 `‘ P £ D ld À Máx 'Avrımárpov rpòs Aakearpoviovs kal viry LA
Avrirátpov.
“H ôevrépa mepiéyet rdôe
'Appýàwv dwois im Adeĝdvõpov kal karáànyıs ToàÀðv ypypárov. 106
THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK OF DIODORUS: IN TWO PARTS
CONTENTS OF PART ONE
How Alexander, having succeeded to the throne, disposed the affairs of his kingdom (chaps. 1-7).
How he recovered the tribes which revolted (chap. 8. 1-2).
How he razed Thebes to the ground and terrified the Greeks and was elected general plenipotentiary of Greece (chaps. 8. 3-16).
How he crossed into Asia and defeated the satraps at the river Granicus in Phrygia (chaps. 17-21).
How he took by siege Miletus and Halicarnassus (chaps. 22-27).
The battle of Dareius against Alexander at Issus in Cilicia and the victory of Alexander (chaps. 30-39).
The siege of Tyre, the occupation of Egypt, and the journey of the king to Ammon (chaps. 40-52).
The battle of Alexander with Dareius at Arbela and the victory of Alexander (chaps 53-61).
The battle of Antipater with the Lacedaemonians and the victory of Antipater (chaps. 62-63).
CoNTENTS OF Parr Two
The capture of Arbela by Alexander and the seizure of great wealth (chap. 64. 1-3). 107
DIODORUS OF SICILY
’Avdàņyis Tis Svváuews èv Baßvàðvı kal ðwpeat rToîs dvêpayalýoası.
Ilapovría rôv årorraňévrov poÂopópov kal Tvp- páxov.
Aidraĝıs kal kaTagkev) Ths Õvváuews.
“Qs 'AAéfavõpos mapéàaße Zoôrav kat Toùs êv aùÙry Oqoravpoŭús.
‘Qs rv mapóðwv èykpar)s éyévero kal røv ôvopaço- pévov Zovridðwv! Ivàðv ékpáryoev.
‘Qs roòùs dkpwrypiacbévras ‘EAàývwv eùepyérnoe kal Tùv Ilepréroàw rapadaßòov ĉýprasev.
‘Qs kopdáras évérpnoe tà Barica.
Aapelov Îdvaros rò Býrosov.
A Àeéávõpov orpateía eis tùv “Ypraviav kaì r@v év aŭt þpvopévwv mapaðówv arayyeàía.
‘Qs 'Adéfavõpos éri Mápåovs orpareóras raterodé- unoe Tò čĝvos.
‘Qs Odàyorpis ý T@v 'Apafoviðwv Basıdcvovoa ovv- épier A Ncdvòpo.
“Qs ó Barideùs dvikýrov éavròv efvat vopiras éhAwTe Ttùv Tøv Ieprâv tpvpýv.
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Gé > 3 7 TPAXVEVTA KAT AVTV.
1 Added by Wesseling (cp. chap. 68. 1, 2). 108
CONTENTS OF THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK
The refreshment of the army in Babylon and the rewards given to those who had distinguished them- selves in service (chap. 64. 3-6).
The arrival of the mercenaries and allies dispatched to him (chap. 65. 1).
The organization and equipment of his army (chap. 65. 2-4).
How Alexander occupied Susa and its treasures (chap. 65. 5-66).
How he mastered the passes and took possession of the so-called Susian Gates (chaps. 67-68).
How he showed kindness to the Greeks who had been mutilated, and took and sacked Persepolis (chaps. 69-71).
How he set fire to the palace in a revel (chap. 72).
The murder of Dareius by Bessus (chap. 73. 1-4).
The expedition of Alexander into Hyrcania and an account of its marvellous plants (chap. 75).
How Alexander took the field against the Mardi and defeated them (chap. 76).
How Thalestris queen of the Amazons had relations with Alexander (chap. 77. 1-3).
How the king, thinking himself invincible, imitated the luxury of the Persians (chap. 77. 4-7).
The campaign of Alexander against the Areii who had revolted and the capture of the “ Rock ” (chap. 78).
fhe conspiracy against the king and the punish- ment of the conspirators, the most distinguished among them being Parmenion and Philotas (chaps. 79-80).
T campaign of Alexander into the territory of the Paropanisadae and his adventures there (chap. 82).
109
DIODORUS OF SICILY
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‘Qs ’AAéfavõpos dmosrávras rToùs Zoyðiavoùs kare- moéunoe kaè karéorpaĝev aùt@v mÀelovs TÖV Ôwõeka pvpidðov.
‘Qs Baxrpiavoùs êkóñare kat Zoyõiavoùs TÒ deúTeEpov EXEPØTATO kal TÓÀELS EKTLTEV EÙKUÍPWS TPÒS TÀS TÖV ahırtapévwv koàdoes.
A lę , A b3 e A 3 `
mórTtavıs Tpiry Zoyĉiavðv kat QÀAWTLS TÔV EiS T)V llérpav karapvyóvrov.
Iep roù év Bacisrois! kuvnyiov kal tob màýÂovs rv éy aùTG Onpiwrv.
II b A 3 bS VAN £ e 7 bi A A `
epè TRS eis Tòv Aióvurov apaprias kat TNS TApà TÒV mórov avapérews KÀeiTov.
Iepi rìs Kado hévovs Teñevris.
Pè ri i lé A ra 3
Zrpareia To Barıdéws es Toùs kadovpévovs Naúra- kas? kaè phopà TÅs Svvápews trò TodÀñs xióvos.
‘Qs ” A Aéĝavêpos épac els ‘Pofdvys TIS ’Oéváprov yy-
2O A. A 2 5 s A KN A pev aùTùv kat Tov hiwv moàdoùs érere ypa Tùs TOV
érichpov Bapßápov Ovyartépas.
1 Bazaira in Curtius, 8. 1. 10. 2 Nautaca in Curtius, 8. 2. 19.
110
CONTENTS OF THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK
The single combat that took place in the territory of the Areii and their annexation (chap. 83. 1-6).
The death of Bessus, the murderer of Dareius (chap. 83. 7-9).
How Alexander marched through the desert and lost many of his men (this and the subsequent chap- ters are missing).
How the Branchidae, who of old had been settled by the Persians on the borders of their kingdom, were slain by Alexander as traitors to the Greeks.
How the king led his troops against ‘the Sogdiani and Scythians.
How the chieftains of the Sogdiani, who were being led off to execution, were unexpectedly saved.
How Alexander defeated the Sogdiani who had revolted and slew more than one hundred and twenty thousand of them.
How he punished the Bactriani and subdued the Sogdiani a second time and founded cities in suitable places to restrain any who rebelled.
The third rebellion of the Sogdiani and capture of those who took refuge in the “ Rock.”
Concerning the hunt in Basista and the abundance of game there.
Concerning the sin against Dionysus and the slay- ing of Cleitus at the drinking bout.
Concerning the death of Callisthenes.
The campaign of the king against the people called Nautaces and the destruction of the army in heavy snow.
How Alexander, enamoured of Roxanê, daughter of Oxyartes, married her and persuaded numbers of his friends to marry the daughters of the prominent Iranians.
111
DIODORUS OF SICILY
` A 3 L3 w ld Iapaskev Ths éri Ivõoùs oTpateias. Eppà) eis rv 'Ivõixv kaè dvaiperis àpònv Tot mpúrtov éðvovs mpòs karárànéiv Tv &AÀwv. ‘Qs rv Nvsiav òvopafopévyv móňv evepyérnoe ià ` , DN z LA Tùv amò Aiovórov ovyyéverav. ‘Qs Mdosarat móňMv òyupàv kropĝýcas roùs pioĝo- pópovs áravras Àaurpõs dywvirapévovs katékopev. ‘Qs rv "Aopvov kadovpévyv Ilérpav, dváňwrov del yeyevnpévny, éeToMópryoTev. ‘Os Tagiàny pèv Tòv Baridéa ræv Ivõðv rposyydyero, IHópov è eydy rapardfet vikýras kait TOÔ TÕpMAaTOS ld 3 lA ` 2 ? a 3 -3 ? kparýras, aréðwke Thv Basideiav aùte ôt dvõpayað iav. ArayyeÀia Tøv karà tùv yúópav mapaĝófwv ðßpewv re kat T@v þpvopévwv kaprõv. ‘Qs rà TÀNTiÓyw wv EÔvÂV TÀ uè í à nriöxwpa rv éÂvôv TÀ èv npornydyero, TÈ Ôè kaTemodéunoev. ‘Qs rv órd Zwrelbyv Teraypévnv èyeipóraTo. II s A 3 fà A > ? a 2 d epi TNS eùvopias TOV êv TaÛÚTY TÅ XÓpg TóÀcwv. s Ph 3 kag A z 3 L wN Iep rĝs dperĝs TÕv wpnÂévrwv ”Aefdvõpy kvvâv, Iep ris dønyýrews? rob Ivõôv Baridéws. e y: A Qs rot Adefdvõpov Povdopévov ĉiaßivar tòv T'dy- yny ToTapòv kal orpaTteúeiv éri roùs lavõapiðas voua- 2 e F 3 e z opévovs ot Maxeðőóves oùx trýkovrav, e Qs ópia Oépevos ts orpateias ô Basıiheùs èrÑAbe rà Aoir rav ` Ivõðv.?
l! Máccaya in Arrian, 4. 26. 1; Maoóya mós Strabo, 15. 1. 27; ad Mazagas Curtius, 8. 10. 22. 2 Dindorf would supply ®nyéws from chap. 93. 2.
112
CONTENTS OF THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK
Preparation for the campaign against the Indians.
Invasion of India and complete annihilation of their first nation in order to overawe the rest.
How he benefited the city named Nysia because of his relationship to it through Dionysus.
How, after plundering the stronghold of Massaca, he cut down all the mercenaries although they fought magnificently (chap. 84).
How he took by assault the Rock called Aornus, which had always proved impregnable (chap. 85).
How he won over to his side Taxiles, king of the Indians, and in a great engagement defeated Porus, took him prisoner and gave him back his throne be- cause of his gallant conduct (chaps. 86-89).
An account of the marvellous serpents in the country and of the fruits which grow there (chap. 90).
How he won over to his side many of the neigh- bouring tribes and defeated others (chap. 91. 1-4).
How he subdued the country that was subject to Sopeithes (chap. 91. 4).
Concerning the good government of the cities in this country (chap. 91. 4-6).
Concerning the excellence of the dogs presented to Alexander (chap. 92).
Concerning the story told by the king of the Indians (chap. 93. 1-3).
How, when Alexander desired to cross the Ganges River and march against the people called Gandari- dae, the Macedonians mutinied (chaps. 93. 4-94).
How, after marking the furthest point reached by his army, the king visited the remaining regions of the Indians (chap. 95).
3 MSS. add xal roćevðeis èrwðývevoe, transferred by Cospus to follow °Qkeavóv infra.
113
DIODORUS OF SICILY
? N
‘Os Sià rot Ivo? rorapot karéràevrev émè Tòv kaTa
Pd pernpBpiav Nkeavóv, kat Toĝevðels ékivðvvevosev.? A [L Iep ris yevopévys povopayias ék mpokÀýorews. ~ A 2 A
Ilep rôv kararoheunÂévrov Ivõðv è dpporépwv tov
uepôv ToÙ Torao péxpt TOD Qkeavoð. vO a , 2 ` , ` Ani i
Ilep râv rapaðófwv? kaè vopipwv Tapa Tots EyXwpiots
~ A $. 2 3 f Kat TOv Onprósn Biov éxóvtwv.
‘Qs oi ròv Qkeavòv mÀeúravres ovvépiĝav `A Aecdvðpy
` ? 3 , Os OEN À a mapà dAaTTav FTpPaTOTEÕEVKÓTL Kat TA KATA TÒV TÀOVV arýyyeiàav.
Qs rády èkmàeúravres ToAÀùv Ts mapaßadarrias xópas mapéràcvrav.
e la] A 7 [a ? ? s
Qs rôv Ieprôv tpi pvplovs veaviskovs ériÀé$as kal maeúras Tà moàepmkà TV čpywv dvTíTUypaA kaTé- okebaure T Marovic pdñayyt.
‘Qs “Aprados ĉà TÅv Tpvpiv kal tràs irmeppodàs rõv Saravnpárov ĉiaßànleis épvyev èx Baßvàðvos kat rot Sýpov rõv ` AÂnvalwv ikérys êyévero.
t N 5 a o’ a 5 z ` A z
Ns raðpàs ék Tis’ ArtTtıkis dvypéðn rat TÔv ypypárov e 2. ` s r ao’ / émrtakória èv TáÀavtra mapéĝero rois’ AOnvaiots, TeTpa- kir yida Ôè kal pobopópovs kraki yiàíovs? mepi Tal- vapov TS Aakwvikhs améMrev.
‘Qs 'AAéfavõpos roòs yeynpakóras Tv Mareðóvov
td ni z LA 2 3 p xpeoàvrýoas kat karava`ðóras púpia TAÀavTA ATÉÀAVTEV eis TS maTpilõas.
‘Qs TTATLACÕVTWV rov Markeðóvøv ékóňaTe TOÙS aiTlOvs.
1 See note 3 on page 113.
2 So Cospus: mapaĝóoewv. 3 So MSS. : éfakıoyıàíovs chap. 108. 6.
114
CONTENTS OF THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK
How he sailed down the Indus River to the south- ern o and almost died of an arrow wound (chaps. 96-99).
Concerning the single combat that issued from a challenge (chaps. 100-101).
Concerning the Indians whom he conquered on both banks of the river as far as the Ocean (chaps. 102-103).
Concerning the marvels and practices found among the inhabitants and about the men who live a brutish existence (chaps. 104-106. 3). '
How the naval expedition through the Ocean re- joined Alexander` as he was encamped by the sea and gave an account of their voyage (chap. 106. 4-7).
How again setting sail they skirted a long expanse of coastline (chap. 107. 1).
How he selected thirty thousand young Persians, trained them in military exercises and formed them into a counterpart of his Macedonian phalanx (chap. 108. 1-3).
How Harpalus, who was accused of luxurious living and excessive expenditures, fled from Babylon and sought the protection of the people of Athens (chap. 108. 4-7).
How he fled from Attica and was killed; he had deposited seven hundred talents of his money with the Athenians and placed four thousand talents and eight thousand mercenaries on Taenarum in Laconia (chap. 108. 7-8).
How Alexander, having paid the debts of his veteran Macedonians, which cost him ten thousand talents, returned them to their homes (chap. 109. 1-2).
How the Macedonians revolted and he punished their ringleaders (chap. 109. 2-3).
115
DIODORUS OF SICILY
‘Qs Mevréorys yaye mpòs’AAéfavõpov ék tôv Ileprov èmıÀéas roĝóras kat ogdevõovýras pvpiovs.*
Qs ràs ráĉes ó Bacıideùs émoisev avapíĝas Toîs Maxesóoı IMépras.
‘Qs roîs èmiyóvois mairi puplois ort tàs arávas kal maseias po hoùs árar éxophyet.
‘Qs Aewrbévys parto kiveîv Tòv Tpòs Maxeôóvas Tóàe- pov.
‘Qs ’AAéfavõpos êrì Koosaiovs ésrpáreroev.
‘Qs ropevpévov To Barıéws eis Baßvàóva rpoeîrov oi Kaàðaiot tG 'Adefdvåpy Teheurýoeiv aðróv, éðv eis thv Baßvàðva eicéàby.
‘Qs ó Baorheds év px pèv kareràdyn kat Tapýà- Aage tùův Baßvàðva, Čorepov © rò röv ‘EAàyvikðv piàocópov regeis karývryoev eis Thv mów.
Ilep rob rÀýÂovs rôv rapayevopévov mper perv.
Ilep ris ‘Hpairiwvos rapis kaè roð rÀýhovs tõv eis aùrhv čaravnÂévrwv xpnpáTwv.
Ilep rôv oypelwv rõv yeyernpévov Adeédvõpy kaè TÅS TEÀEVTIS QAÙTOD.
1 So MSS.: ŝıouvpíovs Cospus, cp. Arrian, 7. 23. 1.
116
CONTENTS OF THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK
How Peucestes brought to Alexander ten thousand bowmen and slingers whom he had recruited from among the Persians (chap. 110. 2).
How the king reorganized his army by interming- ling Persians with Macedonians (chap. 110. 1).
How he paid expenses and educational fees for all the soldiers’ children, ten thousand in number (chap. 110. 3).
How Leosthenes made preparations for starting a war against the Macedonians (chap. 111. 1-3).
How Alexander campaigned against the Cossaeans (chap. 111. 4-6). :
How, as the king was on his way to Babylon, the Chaldaeans prophesied to Alexander that he would die if he entered Babylon (chap. 112. 1-3).
How the king at first was frightened and passed Babylon by, but later, persuaded by the Greek philo- sophers, entered the city (chap. 112. 4-6).
Concerning the multitude of embassies that arrived there (chap. 113).
Concerning the funeral of Hephaestion and the large sum expended on it (chaps. 114-115).
Concerning the omens that appeared to Alexander and concerning his death (chaps. 116-118).
117
BIBAO? EIITAKAIAEKATH
‘H uèv mpò traúrys púpos, ooa TÌS ŠANS a da éEkaDekdTh, TV Apxùv čoxev ano TÎsS Diinnov TOÔ ’Auóvrov Paocideias: mepreýpðnoav Ò èv aùr) mpáčers at èv roô Didinrov nâca pÊXpt TS TedevTisS, ai ðè TÕv AAW Paoidéwv TE kat eĝvôv kal móňcwv ó oat yeyóvaoı KATA TOÙS Ts Paoideias TaúTns Xpóvovs, õvras erôv eikoct kal 2 recodpwv. èv raúrņ ôè tàs ovveyeîs mpaées avaypádhovres apćtópeða pėv aro Tîs AAegdvðpov Bacıdeias, mepiňaßóvres è Tà TOÚTW TÖ Paoide? mpaxhévra uéxpi TS TeÀevris ovvavaypdjopev kal Tà dpa ToŬúrTois ovvreàeolévra èv Tois yvwpigo- évois uépeot Tis oikovuévņs: oðtrw yàp párta Únoàaußdvouev tràs mpáćeis eùuvnuoveðrovs éoe- olai, kepañarwdðs rTehcicas kail ovveyès xovcas raîs apyaîs rò Téàos.
Ev óàlyw è ypõővw peydàas mpdéeis oros ô Baoieùs karerpydoaro kal Õià Tiv iiav oúveciv Te kal avõpeiav únepeßdàero TÔ peyéber rÕv épywv návras Troùs Ë alvos TÅ výuņ nmapaðeðouévovs 4 Bacıideîs: èv ëreci yap Õwðeka karaortpepduevos tis pèv Eùpwrns oùk diya, rùv è `Aciav oyeðòv dnacav eikórws nepıpónrov oye tův ðóčav kal roîs maàuioîs pwo kal Ņuihéors iodbovoav. dààà yap oùk avaykatov ýuîv êv TÔ Tmpooruiw Tmpoàap- 118
BOOK XVII
1. The preceding book, which was the sixteenth of the Histories, began with the coronation of Philip the son of Amyntas and included his whole career down to his death, together with those events connected with other kings, peoples and cities which occurred in the years of his reign, twenty-four in number. In this book we shall continue the systematic narrative beginning with the accession of Alexander, and in- clude both the history of this king down to his death as well as contemporary events in the known parts of the world. This is the best method, I think, of en- suring that events will be remembered, for thus the material is arranged topically, and each story is told without interruption.
Alexander accomplished great things in a short space of time, and by his acumen and courage sur- passed in the magnitude of his achievements all kings whose memory is recorded from the beginning of time. In twelve years he conquered no small part of Europe and practically all of Asia, and so acquired a fabulous reputation like that of the heroes and demi- gods of old. But there is really no need to anticipate
119
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Bávew tre rÕv karwpfwpévuv roúrw rÔ ßaoideî: aùral yàp al karà pépos mpaćeis ikavõðs unvúcovot 57ò péyebos rs déns aŭro. ’Adétavðpos ov yeyovæs karà marépa èv a$ ‘Hpakàéovs, karà òè uņnrépa rÔv Alakıĝðv oireiav ëoye Tv púow kal Tv aperhv Tis rÕv mpoyóvwv eùðočías. ńueîs Sè roùs dpuórrovras T ypa xpõvovs mapaĝévres emi ràs oikeias tijs Úrmokeiuévns iorTopias mpåķes rpepópela. i
2. Er àpyovros yap ` Abývnow Eùawérov “Pw- paîot karéornoav úndrovs Aeúkiov Ďoŭúpiov kał I'diov Maviov. ènmi è roúrwv °`Aàééavõpos rade- Éduevos Tùv Baciàciav mpõrov èv roùs poveîs roû martpòs Ts dpuotoúoņs Ttıuwpias ŅÉiwoe, perà òè rara rs raps To yovéws Tùv evõeyouévnv ETLMÉÀAELAV TMONTÁUEVOS KATÉOTNOE TÀ KATA TÙV dpxův moù káiov Ñ) mávres mpooeðókyoav. véos yap æv mavredðs kal ða Tyv hAkiav Úrnő Twwv karadpovoúuevos mpôrTov uèv Tà TAON oikelois Aóyois mapeorýoaro mpos eùvorav: ë$n yàp voua póvov ôinàdybaı Bacidéws, tàs Sè mpdéeis yerpio- Oýocohat uyðèv karaðeéorepov TiS ni To0 martTpòs yevoévys oikovouias’ čmerra raîs npeoßeiars xp-
1 Plutarch, Alexander, 2. 1. Alexander’s most prominent ancestor on his mother’s side was Achilles. Both the Aeacids and the Argeads traced their ancestry back to Zeus.
2 Evaenetus was archon from July 335 to June 334 B.c. Broughton (1. 138) gives the consuls of 338 s.c. as L. Furius Camillus and C. Maenius.
3 Diodorus has not previously suggested that any others knew of the plans of Pausanias, who was killed immediately and so could not reveal any accomplices (Book 16. 94. 4). Alexander himself was the principal beneficiary of the 120
BOOK XVII. 1. 4—2. 2
in the introduction any of the accomplishments of this king ; his deeds reported one by one will attest suffi- ciently the greatness of his glory. On his father’s side Alexander was a descendant of Heracles and on his mother’s he could claim the blood of the Aeacids, so that from his ancestors on both sides he inherited the physical and moral qualities of greatness.! Pointing out as we proceed the chronology of events, we shall pass on to the happenings which concern our history.
2. When Evaenetus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Lucius Furius and Gaius Manius.? In this year Alexander, succeeding to the throne, first inflicted due punishment on his father’s murderers, and then devoted himself to the funeral of his father. He established his authority far more firmly than any did in fact suppose possible, for he was quite young and for this reason not uniformly respected, but first he promptly won over the Mace- donians to his support by tactful statements. He de- clared that the king was changed only in name and that the state would be run on principles no less effec- tive than those of his father’s administration. Then he addressed himself to the embassies which were
murder, and he has been suspected of complicity, especially because, as only half of Macedonian blood, he was not uni- versally popular. At all events, the known victims of this purge were Alexander’s own rivals : his older cousin Amyn- tas, son of King Perdiccas III ; the family of Alexander of Lyncestis, although he himself was spared; and Philip’s wife Cleopatra and her infant daughter, killed by Olympias. These murders were not forgotten (Plutarch, Alexander, 10. 4: On the Fortune of Alexander, 1. 3. 327 c; Curtius, 6. 9. 17 and 10.24 ; Justin, 11. 2. 1-3 and 12. 6. 14). These events are ignored by Arrian, and Curtius’s preserved narrative begins only when Alexander was in Phrygia. 4 Justin, 11. 1. 8.
121
335/4 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
paricsas hiàavôpóærnws mapekdàeoce roùs “Ednvas Tnpeiv tùv mpòs aùrov matporapáðorov eùvoiav.
3 rÔv è orpariwtTÕv mvkvàs momoduevos ékoràoias ueàéras Te kal yvpvacias moàeikas ceùnebi karte- okeúace Tv úvapv.
"Eywv ðe ris PBacıcias ëpeðpov ”Arradov Tòv aðeàdov Kàcordrpas ris èmiyaunheions rò Pı- Àinnmov Torov ékpwev êk ToÔ Chv peraorhoav kai yap èrúyyave maôíov èk rijs Kàeorárpas yeyovòs T Dinny ris redeurijs roô Baciéws ðàlyais
4 mpórtepov ńuépas. ó & ”Arraños mpoaneoraà- pévos v eis rhv °`Aclav orparnyòs trv vvápewv pera Ilappeviwvos, eùepyerikòs Ò &v ral raîs óuiàiais èkbepareóúwv roùs ortparıórTas peyáàns erúyyavev amroðoyñs v rÔ orparoréðw. eùÀóyws ov Torov eðdapeîro rore ts apxis dvrirorý- antar cvuvepyoùs Aaßov rÊv ‘Eààńvwv roùs vav-
5 riovpévovs éavr®. Šórep rÕv piňwv mpoyeipiod- pevos ‘Ekxaratov éfaréoreiriev eis Tv °Aciav perà rÔv ikavôv otparıwrtÕv, oùs évroààs udora èv ayayeŭv CÕvra ròv ”Arrañov, êav è roro uÙ Súvnraı karepyácacðar, Soopovioat ròv ävëpa
6 rùv Tayiornv. oêros pèv oĝv ĵiaßàs els rùv ° Aoiav kai ovupiéas roîs mepi ròv Iapueviwva kal ”Ar- TaÀov èmerýper TÒV kapòv TS mpokeyeiptouévns npaews.
3. Aàééavõðpos è mulóuevos moods rv ‘EÀ- ÀAńvæv pereópovs eivat mpòs kawoTouiav eis moÀàùv
2 aywviav evémimrev. ’Abnvaîot uèv yàp Anpocbé- vovs ðnuaywyoðvros kara rv Makeðóvwv túv re
1? In Book 16. 93. 9, Attalus was called Cleopatra’s nephew, but he was apparently her uncle and guardian (Berve, Alex- 122
BOOK XVII. 2. 2—3. 2
present and in affable fashion bade the Greeks main- 335/4 s.c.
tain towards him the loyalty which they had shown to his father. He busied his soldiers with constant training in the use of their weapons and with tactical exercises, and established discipline in the army.
A possible rival for the throne remained in Attalus, who was the brother of Cleopatra, the last wife of Philip, and Alexander determined to kill him. As a matter of fact, Cleopatra had borne a child to Philip a few days before his death.! Attalus had been sent on ahead into Asia to share the command of the forces with Parmenion and had acquired great popularity in the army by his readiness to do favours and his easy bearing with the soldiers. Alexander had good reason to fear that he might challenge his rule, making common cause with those of the Greeks who opposed him, and selected from among his friends a certain Hecataeus and sent him off to Asia with a number of soldiers, under orders to bring back Attalus alive if he could, but if not, to assassinate him as quickly as possible. So he crossed over into Asia, joined Parmenion and Attalus and awaited an opportunity to carry out his mission.
3. Alexander knew that many of the Greeks were anxious to revolt, and was seriously worried. In Athens, where Demosthenes kept agitating against
anderreich, 2. 94). He may well have been disaffected because of the murder of Cleopatra and her daughter, but he had no known claim upon the throne of Macedonia. He was, at all events, loyal to Philip and hostile to Philip’s assassin (Book 16. 93. 5-9).
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DIODORUS OF SICILY
* A bd [A 3 ` A e Pirinnrov reàeuriv douévws Nkovoav kat TÅS Nye- povias rôv ‘EàMńvwv oùxk e£eyøwpovv Tots Maxe-
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Ea ~ > JA Tv méewv mpoerpénrovro ts ¢éàevÂepias avré- xeobar.
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4. Ipõrovs è Oerradoùs únouvýoas ts ap-
ł Justin, 11. 2. 4-5. Aristarchus, presumably an Ambra- ciot, is otherwise unknown. Diodorus has inverted the rôles of 124
BOOK XVII. 3. 2—4. 1
Macedon, the news of Philip’s death was received 335/4 s.c.
with rejoicing, and the Athenians were not ready to concede the leading position among the Greeks to Macedon. They communicated secretly with Attalus and arranged to co-operate with him, and they en- couraged many of the cities to strike for their free- dom.
The Aetolians voted to restore those of the Acar- nanians who had experienced exile because of Philip. The Ambraciots were persuaded by one Aristarchus to expel the garrison placed in their city by Philip and to transform their government into a democracy. Similarly, the Thebans voted to drive out the garrison in the Cadmeia and not to concede to Alexander the leadership of the Greeks. The Arcadians alone of the Greeks had never acknowledged Philip’s leader- ship nor did they now recognize that of Alexander. Otherwise in the Peloponnesus the Argives and Eleians and Lacedaemonians, with others, moved to recover their independence.! Beyond the frontiers of Macedonia, many tribes moved toward revolt and a general feeling of unrest swept through the natives in that quarter.?
But, for all the problems and fears that beset his kingdom on every side, Alexander, who had only just reached manhood, brought everything into order im- pressively and swiftly. Some he won by persuasion and diplomacy, others he frightened into keeping the peace,? but some had to be mastered by force and so reduced to submission.
4. First he dealt with the Thessalians, reminding the Arcadians and the Lacedaemonians ; it was the latter who had never been subject to Philip. Cp. further below, chap. 4.
2 Cp. below, chap. 8. 1. 3 Arrian, 1. 1. 3 (with reference to Athens).
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xaias ap’ ‘Hparkàéovs ovyyeveias kat Adyois pidav- Opónrois, ére è peydàais rayyeiais perewpisas Eneoe Tv matponrapdõortov hyepoviav rijs ‘EAdõos aùr ovyxywpoa kow ts OQerradias ðóyparı.
2 uera è roúrovs tà ovuvopitovra! rôv èbvõv els Tv poiav eùvorav mpocayayó evos maphÀbev els Ióas kai rò rôv ` Augıkrvóvwv ovvéðpiov ovvaya- yov émewev éavr® kow Öóyparı Öobğvar TÅV
3 rðv ‘EdMývwv hyepoviav. roîs © °`ApußbpakıórTais cranrpeopevópevos kai piňavðpórnws ópàýoas čne- cev aùroùs Ppaye? mpoeiànpévai rhv uéààovoav úr aùroĵ iðoohaı pera mpohvpias aùrovopiav.
4 Ilpòs è riv karádràņnéw rv aneloivrwv ye Tùv úvaıv Tv Makeðóvwv kekosunuévyv kara- mÀnkTikÕsS. teiars è raîs dðorroplais ypnoápe- vos kev eis ùv Bowwriav kal mànoiov ris Kaĝ- pelas karaorparoneceóoas ènéornoe ròv póßov
5 ri móde rõv Onfaiwv. rab’ ôv ù ypóvov *Aby- vaot mvðópevor Tův eis Bowwriav nmápoĝov roô Paoiàéws tÑs mpoŭïnapyovons karaġpovýocews àrd- orņnoav' yàp ŻýTNs ToÔ veavíokov kal ý Sià TÔv mpágcewv èvépyera Toùs dÀdotpio$povoðvras ueydá-
6 Aws eéénànrrev. Sıðrep `Abnvaîor rà pèv ånò Tis xópas &fņpicavro kararouitew, rÔv ŝè TEXÕV TÅV evõeyouévnv emiuéiciav moieîohar mpòs Sè ròv ’Aàéfavðpov mpégßeis éfanréoreiav, déroûvres ovy- yvóunv čyew, eè Thv ýyepoviav ù Tayéws ovyyw- poĝow.
7 Ev ðè Toîs mpéoßeot kal Anpoobévns èrneugpheis où ouvhAbe perà rõv ÄAàwv mpòs ròv ’Adétavôpov, dA’ êr roô KiÂarpõvos dvékappev eis tàs `Abńvas,
1 So Dindorf (cp. chaps. 76. 1, 96. 3): oùs auvoplčovras. 126
BOOK XVII. 4. 1-7
them of his ancient relationship to them through 335/4 s.c.
Heracles and raising their hopes by kindly words and by rich promises as well, and prevailed upon them by formal vote of the Thessalian League to recognize as his the leadership of Greece which he had inherited from his father. Next he won over the neighbouring tribes similarly, and so marched down to Pylae, where he convened the assembly of the Amphictyons and had them pass a resolution granting him the leadership of the Greeks. He gave audience to the envoys of the Ambraciots and, addressing them in friendly fashion, convinced them that they had been only a little premature in grasping the independence that he was on the point of giving them voluntarily.
In order to overawe those who refused to yield otherwise, he set out at the head of the army of the Macedonians in full battle array. With forced marches he arrived in Boeotia and encamping near the Cadmeia threw the city of the Thebans into a panic. As the Athenians immediately learned that the king had passed into Boeotia, they too abandoned their previous refusal to take him seriously. So much the rapid moves and energetic action of the young man shook the confidence of those who opposed him. The Athenians, accordingly, voted to bring into the city their property scattered throughout Attica and to look to the repair of their walls, but they also sent envoys to Alexander, asking forgiveness for tardy recognition of his leadership.
Even Demosthenes was included among the en- voys; he did not, however, go with the others to Alexander, but turned back at Cithaeron and re-
1 Justin, 11. 3. 1-2. Alexander had in Achilles a common ancestor with the Aleuadae of Larissa.
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eire Šia ra meroùrevpéva karà Makeðóvwv opn- leis, eire Bovàópevos tT® Paci rôv Ilepoðv 8 dueprrov aúròv iadvàdrrew. modà yàp xph- pard aow aùròv eiàņndévai mapa Ilepoðv, tva moùreúnrat karà Makeðóvav: mepi ðv kal Tòv Aloyiwvnyv paciv òveðitovra T® Anpochévet kard Twa Àdyov Tùv wpoðokiav ciretv, Nv pévror TÙv dardvyy émikékàvrev aùroô rò Baciùıkòv ypvoiov. éorar è ovðè roô? ikavõv’ oùðeis yàp MØTOTE 9 mÀoŬrTos Tpõrmov novnpoð mepieyévero. o è’ AAéé- avõðpos toîs mpéopeoi rõÕv ° Alnvaiwv piàavbpórovs darokpiceis oùs améàvoe To modo póßov rTòv òfuov.
To & '`Adecédvõpov mapayyeidavros eis Kopu- Qov dravrâv rás re mpeoßeias kal roùs ovvéðpovs, ened) ovvàlov ot ovveðpeveiw elwlóres, ðradey- Ocis ò Bacideùs kal Àóyois èmeikéot ypnoduevos enee Tos “EAnvas ynoicachai orparnyòv aùro- kpáropa ris ‘“Eàdõos ecîvaı ròv '’Aàétavðpov kal ovorpareðei éri roùs [lépoas úrèp © eis rovs EÀ- Àņvas ééńýpaprov. ruy&v ğè ravrns rs tufs ô Basics êmavijàbe perà ris ðvvápews eis Maxe- ôoviav.
5. “Hpueîs & emet rà rara thv ‘Eddõa ShAbo- pev, peraĝıpdoouev ròv Àóyov èri tràs karà TÙ ’Aciav npáéeis. perà yàp rhv Piimrov redev- Tùv "ATrados TÒ èv mpõTov éreyeipei vewrepitew kal mpòs `Alyvaiovs ovveribero koworpayiav kar ’A\cEdvðpov, vorepov è peravońoas Tv èv àro- õoleiosav aùr mapa Anuoolévovs èmioroàùv TN- pýoas dnméoreie mpòs `Aàééavðpov kal Adyois diàavôpórois èreipâro tràs ka’ aúroô ĝiaßoààs 128
BOOK XVII. 4. 7—5. 1
turned to Athens, whether fearful because of the 8335/4 r.c.
anti-Macedonian course that he had pursued in poli- tics, or merely wishing to leave no ground of com- plaint to the king of Persia. He was generally believed to have received large sums of money from that source in payment for his efforts to check the Macedonians, and indeed Aeschines is said to have referred to this in a speech when he taunted Demos- thenes with his venality : “ At the moment, it is true, his extravagance has been glutted by the king’s gold, but even this will not satisfy him ; no wealth has ever proved sufficient for a greedy character.” 1 Alexander addressed the Athenian envoys kindly and freed the people from their acute terror.
Then he called a meeting at Corinth of envoys and delegates, and when the usual representatives came, he spoke to them in moderate terms and had them pass a resolution appointing him general plenipo- tentiary of the Greeks and undertaking themselves to join in an expedition against Persia seeking satis- faction for the offences which the Persians had com- mitted against Greece.? Successful in this, the king returned to Macedonia with his army.
5. Now that we have described what took place in Greece, we shall shift our account to the events in Asia. Here, immediately after the death of Philip, Attalus actually had set his hand to revolt and had agreed with the Athenians to undertake joint action against Alexander, but later he changed his mind. Preserving the letter which had been brought to him from Demosthenes,? he sent it off to Alexander and tried by expressions of loyalty to remove from him-
1 Aeschines, 3. 173, with a slightly different word order. 2 Justin, 11. 2. 5. 3 Plutarch, Demosthenes, 23. 2.
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2 årorpipeobar: roô & ‘Ekaralov karà tàs toô Pa- oiÀdws evroààs Sododovýoavros röv” Arradov ý pèv karà t)v `Aciav rôv Mareðóvwv Súvapıs rav- carto ToÎÔ uerewpiteobai mpòs aróortacw, To pèv ? Arráàov mepovevuévov, roô õè Iappeviwvos oikeid- rara ðiakeipévou mpòs ` Aàéfavòpov.
Ilepl dè ris rôv IHepoôv Baoidcias péddovras hus dvaypáģew àvaykatóv ori Řpayù roîs xpó- vois npoavañaßeiv rùv ioropiav. Ọıàinrov yàp črt Baociieúovros pye rôv Ilepoðv °Qyos rai npocepépero roîs órorerayuévois wus Kal Piaiws. uigovpévov è aùroô à Tùv yaderórnra TÕV tpórwv Baywas ó yıàiapyos, eùvoðyos èv &v TÙV Eéw, movnpòs Õè kal moàepikòs Thv púow, dvete dapudkw ròv “Qyov ıd Tiwos iatpoð, Tòv è vew- rarov TÕv viðv roô Baoidéws Apor’ eiohyayev 4 eis T)v Baociàelav. dveîàe òè kat roùs dòcàhoùs ToÔ Bacıàéws, õðvras véovs mavreðs, ôTmws povwleis ó veaviokos uÂdov Ýmýkoos aùT® yévntTat. ToÔ Òè pepakiov Taîs yevopévais Tapavoulats mpockó- nrovros kal pavepoð kabeorðrTos Ört TIuwpPHOETAL Tòv avlévryv trÕv dvouņuárwv, phdoas aùroð ràs emBovàas ð Bayas aveîàe ròv `Apoùv uera rÔv 5 rékvwv rtpirov éros Ņòn PBaciàevovra. èpńuov ð òvros To Pacıàéws orkov kal unòevòs övros Tob
1 Apor] ° Apoñv F.
1 Continued from chap. 2, above. Itis incredible that the assassination of Attalus could have occurred without the
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self any possible suspicion. Hecataeus, however, fol- 835/4 r.c.
lowing the instructions of the king literally, had him killed by treachery,!: and thereafter the Macedonian forces in Asia were free from any incitement to re- volution, Attalus being dead and Parmenion com- pletely devoted to Alexander.
As our narrative is now to treat of the kingdom of the Persians, we must go back a little to pick up the thread.? While Philip was still king, Ochus °? ruled the Persians and oppressed his subjects cruelly and harshly. Since his savage disposition made him hated, the chiliarch Bagoas, a eunuch in physical fact but a militant rogue in disposition, killed him by poison administered by a certain physician and placed upon the throne the youngest of his sons, Arses. He similarly made away with the brothers of the new king, who were barely of age, in order that the young man might be isolated and tractable to his control. But the young king let it be known that he was of- fended at Bagoas’s previous outrageous behaviour and was prepared to punish the author of these crimes, so Bagoas anticipated his intentions and killed Arses and his children also while he was still in the third year of his reign.t The royal house was thus ex- tinguished, and there was no one in the direct line of
connivance of Parmenion, who may have been pleased to be rid of the head of a rival faction at court (but Curtius, 6. 9. 18, reports that Attalus was Parmenion’s son-in-law). And Attalus could not be left alive after the execution of his niece.
2 Continued from Book 16. 52. Cp. Justin, 10. 3.
3? Ochus has been mentioned previously by his throne name Artaxerxes.
4 The king lists give Arses two years, 338-336 s.c., but he was in his third regnal year at the time of his death. His second year, 337/6 B.c., was the only full one which he enjoyed.
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4 + karà yévos ıaðečopévov TV APXÚV, TpOxEpiod- ~ Aa 2 pevos va trv hiàwv Aapeîov õvopa TOUTE OVY- 2 75 es ` kareokevace Tùv Baocideiav. oûros © Ñv vios mév ~ e Lo ` bd + ’Apodávov roô `Oordvov, ôs v dðeàdòs ’Aprafép- la Ca LA y [A t 6 ov roô Ilepoðv Bacıicúoavros. Wiov ÕéÉ rı ovvéßn z #. mepi rov Bayóav yevéoĝar kal pvýpns dérov: xpo- A A 3 pevos yàp TÑ ovvýlet piarhovig ròv Aapeîov ére- a ` Bdàero à dappareias dveàeîv: pyvvbeioņns ĉè m 3 m e $ e bd l À 8 £ Tis empovàñs ó Paoieùs ws èri rivi pidavôpwrig + npockaàceoduevos Tòv Baywav kal oùs TÒ moTNprov ùváykace mwv TÒ pdppakov. 6. Hérdðn Sè rs Bacıidcias ô Aapeîos ðokðv ` 2 3 + A bd lá lA moù npoéyeww davôpeig Ilepoðv: ` Apraéép$ov ydp more ToD BaciÀéws moepoðvros mpos Kaðovciovs kai twos trv Kaĝovciwv èr’ aàk) kal dvõpeiq Sraßeßonuévov mpokaàesauévov ròv ovàópevov epoôv povouayĵoat Aos èv oùðeis êróàunoev úÚrakoðsat, póvos è Aapeîos úrooràs rov kivĝvvov Tòv mpokaàceoduevov ATékTewev kal ÙTmÒ uèv TOÔ Bacıiàéws peydàais êruýðn Šwpeais, mapà Sè rToîs Hépoais Trò mpwreîov tis dvðpeias anrnvéykaTo. A A $ ~ > +? 3 A F. 2 ĝià raúrnv ù rùv avòpayalbiav déros tis Bacidcias vopobecis mapéiaße trův dpxyův mepi roúrovs rovs ? 3 D / 7 l4 xypóvovs, v oîs Pıinrov reàevrhoavros ðieðééaro Tv Paciàciav ° Aàétavõpos. 3 Toirov È àvõðpa rs rýxys mapaðovonņs davri- A 3 3 1 > la £ ~ mañov Ti KaT AÀééavðpov dperñ avvepn ToÀdoùs kai peydàovs dyðvas ovorfvat mept TOÔ Tmpwreiov. daÀÀdà mept pèv Troúrwv ai katrà pépos mpáće:s ékaora nàwcovow: hues Ò eml rò ovveyès Ths ioropias tpepópeba. 132
BOOK XVII. 5. 5—6. 3
descent to claim the throne. Instead Bagoas selected 335/4 s.c.
a certain Dareius, a member of the court circle, and secured the throne for him. He was the son of Arsanes, and grandson of that Ostanes who was a brother of Artaxerxes, who had been king.! As to Bagoas, an odd thing happened to him and one to point a moral. Pursuing his habitual savagery he attempted to remove Dareius by poison. The plan leaked out, however, and the king, calling upon Bagoas, as it were, to drink to him a toast and hand- ing him his own cup compelled him to take his own medicine. '
6. Dareius’s selection for the throne was based on his known bravery, in which quality he far surpassed the other Persians. Once when King Artaxerxes ? was campaigning against the Cadusians, one of them with a wide reputation for strength and courage challenged a volunteer among the Persians to fight in single combat with him. No other dared accept, but Dareius alone entered the contest and slew the chal- lenger, being honoured in consequence by the king with rich gifts, while among the Persians he was con- ceded the first place in prowess. It was because of this prowess that he was thought worthy to take over the kingship. This happened about the same time as Philip died and Alexander became king.
Such was the man whom fate had selected to be the antagonist of Alexander’s genius, and they op- posed one another in many and great struggles for the supremacy. These our detailed narrative will de- scribe in each case. And we may now proceed with our story.
1 Artaxerxes II, 405-8359 s.c. 2 Artaxerxes III (Ochus), 359-338 s.c.
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